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;3- 


TO 


MY     ANTIQUARIAN    FRIENDS, 


STUDENTS  OF  AMERICAN  HISTORY  GENERALLY 


THIS    VOLUME    IS    RESPECTFULLY 


DEDICATED. 


c< 


CONTENTS 


V 


J  1.  The  Narrative  of  Major  Abraham  Leggett,  of  the  Army  of 
the  Revolution. 

v  2.  The  Narrative  of  the  Exertions  and  Sufferings  of  Lieutenant 
James  Moody,  in  the  cause  of  Government,  since  the 
year  1776. 

3.  The    Narrative    of    John  Blatchford,    detailing    his    sufferings 

in  the  Revolutionary  war,  while  a  prisoner  with  the  British. 

4.  The  Narrative   of   Ebenezek  Fletcher,   a   soldier  of  the  Revo- 
lution. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

TO    VOL.     II. 


1.  Portrait  of  Gen.  Washington— (engraved  by  Miss  Alice  Hall. 

2.  Silhouette  Likeness  of  Major  Abraham  Leggett. 

3.  View  of  the  Old  Dutch  Church,  Brooklyn,  L.  I. 

4.  "  Old  City  Hall,  Wall-street,  N.Y. 

5.  "  Old  Provost,  N.  Y. 

6.  Portrait  of  King  George,  III. 

7.  Silhouette  Likeness  of  General  Washington. 

8.  Portrait  of  William  Franklin. 

9.  Silhouette  Likeness  of  William  Livingston. 

10.  Portrait  of  Sir  George  Collier. 

11.  View  of  the  Prison-Ship  "Jersey." 

12.  Portrait  of  Gen.  John  Burgoyne. 

13.  "         Gen.  Simon  Fraser. 


T  II  E 

N  A  R  P  A  T  I  V  E 


31 A  JOE   ABE  AH  AM   LEGGETT. 

OF    THE    ARMY    OF    THE    REVOLUTION", 

Now  first   Printed  from  the  Original  Manuscript. 

WRITTEN  BY  HIMSELF. 

WITH 

AX  INTRODUCTION  AND  NOTES, 

BV 

CIIAPJ.ES   I.  BrSHXELL. 


NEW    YORK: 
P  H  1  V  A  T  K  I.  Y     P  R   I   N  T  E  L> 

1865. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1865,  by 

CHARLES  I.  BUSHNELL, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States   for  the 

Southern  District  of  New  York. 


ABRAHAM    ALSOP  LEGGETT, 

(Eldest  Son  of  Major  Leggett), 

llris  Wlaxl, 

AS     A     TOKEN*     OF     ESTEEM     AND     FRIENDSHIP, 


RESPECTFULLY     INSCRIBED. 


, .,  ^W/X  •j>'"  ym  ^  Yj  -y  ^S  M  ^  e 

ci|pc;  a V  pt:  •  ¥  ."5C1  w i  ..-re.;.  »i  Pc.  i  •  Pc  •  •  3C  i  i 


INTRODUCTION. 


AJOR  ABRAHAM  LEGGETT,  the 
author  of  the  following  narrative,  was 
the  son  of  John  Leggett,  by  his  wife 
Sarah,  and  was  born  in  the  town  of  West  Farms, 
Westchester  County,  N.  Y.,  on  the  third  day  of 
January,  1755. 

When  about  seven  years  of  age  he  lost  his  father, 
and  was  placed  under  the  care  of  his  grandfather, 
William  Leggett,  with  whom  he  remained  until  the 
death  of  that  gentleman,  when  he  was  taken  under 
the  care  of  his  uncle,  Abraham  Leggett.  He 
continued  with  him  until  he  had  reached  his  four- 
teenth year,  when  he  was  apprenticed  to  Phineas 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 


Hunt,  and  subsequently  to  Samuel  Van  Black, 
to  learn  the  trade  of  a  blacksmith.  His  oppor- 
tunities for  education  were,  therefore,  but  very 
limited,  his  early  years  being  devoted  to  the  toils 
of  a  trade,  and  occasionally  to  the  labors  of  a  farm. 

When  the  troubles  with  the  mother  country 
assumed  the  proportions  of  civil  war,  our  author 
took  a  decided  and  active  part  in  support  of  the 
rights  of  the  colonists,  rendering  to  his  country 
some  important  services,  and  distinguishing  himself 
in  the  contest  by  his  courage  and  patriotism.  He 
was  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Brooklyn,  where 
he  behaved  with  gallantry,  and  he  took  an  im- 
portant part  in  covering  the  retreat  of  the  Ameri- 
can army  from  Long  Island,  being  one  of  the 
last  to  leave  the  shore. 

He  was  afterwards  engaged  in  the  action  at 
Harlem  Heights,  and  in  the  battle  of  White  Plains. 
Subsequently  he  was  ordered  to  Fort  Montgomery, 
on  the  Hudson,  and  when  that  post,  after  a  stout 
and  bloody  resistance,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
British,  he  became  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  was  con- 
fined   in   the  Old  City  Hall   in   Wall-street,   and 


INTRODUCTION. 


afterwards  in  the  Old  Provost  in  the  Park,  where 
he  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the  enemy  the  greatest 
privation  and  cruelty. 

Our  author  remained  a  prisoner  until  the  year 
1781,  when  his  liberation  was  effected  by  exchange. 
He  subsequently  rejoined  the  army,  and  was 
engaged  in  various  skirmishes  and  expeditions, 
chiefly  in  x>ew  Jersey  and  on  Long  Island.  He 
remained  thus  engaged  until  near  the  termination 
of  the  war,  discharging  his  duties  with  zeal  and 
ability,  gaining  the  respect  and  esteem  of  his  com- 
rades, and  retiring  from  the  service  with  the 
character  of  a  fearless  soldier,  a  spotless  patriot, 
and  an  upright,  honest  man. 

At  the  termination  of  the  war,  he  opened  a 
crockery  store  in  Peck  Slip,  1ST.  T. ;  afterwards  went 
to  Charleston,  S.  C. ;  subsequently  moved  to  Georgia, 
and  then  returned  to  New  York.  Here  he  became 
engaged  for  a  while  in  the  dry  goods  business  as  a 
member  of  the  house  of  Leggett,  Drake  &  Co.,  and 
then  went  into  the  blacksmith's  business,  under  a 
contract  with  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
He    subsequently    moved    to    Illinois,    where    he 


V]  INTRODUCTION. 

remained  for  two  or  three  years,  returning  to  New 
York  about  the  year  1822,  after  which  time  he  did 
but  little  business. 

Major  Leggett  was  twice  married  :  first  to 
Rebecca,  daughter  of  John  Morgan,  of  Huntington, 
L.  I.  By  her  he  had  two  children.  She  died 
at  North  Salem,  in  Westchester  County,  N.  Y.,  on 
the  twelfth  day  of  June,  1780.  His  second  wife 
was  Catharine  Wiley,  of  New  Rochelle,  who  died 
in  the  city  of  New  York  on  the  twenty-ninth 
day  of  November,  in  the  year  1839.  By  this  lady 
he  had  nine  children,  among  which  was  William 
Leggett,  so  well  known  as  an  able  writer,  and  as 
the  editor  at  one  time  of  the  "  New  York  Evening 
Post,"  a  paper  which  then  held,  and  still  retains, 
for  editorial  ability,  the  foremost  rank  among  the 
press  of  our  city. 

In  his  personal  appearance,  our  author  was  about 
five  feet  eight  inches  in  stature,  and  rather  stout. 
His  eyes  were  of  a  hazel  color,  and  his  hair  origi- 
nally dark.  He  had  a  line,  full,  open  countenance, 
kind  and  benevolent  in  expression.  In  his  bearing, 
he  was  dignified  but  cordial,  and  his  manners  were 


INTRODUCTION.  VI 1 

affable  and  pleasing.  In  his  religious  belief,  he  was 
a  Presbyterian,  and,  for  the  last  few  years  of  his  life, 
a  member  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church.  He  was 
an  original  member  of  the  New- York  State  Society 
of  the  Cincinnati,  having  been  admitted  at  its 
organization,  and  in  the  year  1838  was  elected  its 
Vice-President,  which  office  he  held  at  the  time  of 
his  death.  He  died,  after  a  short  illness,  at  the 
residence  of  his  son,  Abraham  A.  Leggett,  in  the 
city  of  New  York,  on  the  sixteenth  day  of 
January,  1842,  in  the  eighty-eighth  year  of  his 
age.  His  remains,  followed  by  a  large  con- 
course of  sincere  mourners,  were  conveyed  to 
the  Presbyterian  burying-ground  in  Houston- 
street,  where  they  were  interred  with  every  mark 
of  honor  and  respect. 

At  the  request  of  his  children,  Major  Leggett,  in 
the  latter  part  of  his  life,  commenced  writing  out  a 
narrative  of  his  revolutionary  services.  This,  how- 
ever, he  did  not  live  to  complete.  The  part  which 
is  extant,  and  which  we  here  present  to  the  reader, 
though  faulty  in  orthography,  the  result  of  his 
defective  education,  is  nevertheless  worthy  of  pre- 


Vlll 


INTRODUCTION. 


servation.  As  a  narrative  of  a  sufferer  in  the 
British  prisons  in  our  city,  it  is  not  only  interesting 
but  valuable,  and  it  is  equally  so  as  the  record  of 
one  who  was  not  only  a  cotemporary,  but  a  promi- 
nent actor  in  the  memorable  struggles  of  the 
"  times  that  tried  men's  souls." 


NARRATIVE. 


W^^f^  WAS  born  Jau'y  3d'  1755'   My  forther 

jt^efflH  John,  (i)  the  son  of  William  Joined  A  Com- 
1  pany  of  Yolenteers  and  march'd  for  Canaday 
in  the  year  1759 — they  Procecled  as  far  as 
Lake  George  and  there  he  was  Taken  with 
the  Fever  and  died  within  four  days,  in  the 
year  1762 — my  mother  left  West  farms  and  moved 
to  Newtown,  Long  Island,  with  four  Children — 
one  sister  older  than  myself  and  Two  yonger  and  a 
yonger  Brother.  My  Grand  Farther  Capt.  William 
Leggett  had  a  desire  to  have  me  left  with  him.  I  at 
this  Time  was  about  Seven  years  of  age — my  Grand  Farther 


10  NAKKATIVE. 

died  in  11 G4  or  65 — I  then  Remaned  with  my  uncle  Abra- 
ham till  I  was  14  years  old.  I  was  then  Put  apprentice 
To  Phenas  Hunt,  Blacksmith — there  I  had  but  a  Poor 
opertunity  to  Get  the  Trade  for  I  was  Put  to  the  Fanning 
more  than  Shop.  I  grew  dissatisfide  and  aplyde  to  my 
Gardian  my  ancle  A,  that  I  had  no  Prospect  for  laming  the 
Trade  being  kept  mostly  on  the  farm.  In  July  my  Inden- 
ture was  Given  up  after  Serving  him  three  years  for  my 
vittels  and  a  Very  scant  Supply  of  Clothes  :  In  August  I 
Came  to  New  York  and  Put  myself  apprentice  to  Sam'l 
Tan  Black,  Black  Smith — this  was  in  the  year  1772.  I 
was  then  at  the  Jan?  following  18,  and  agreed  to  stay  with 
him  four  years,  but  in  '75  the  Troubles  with  England  com- 
menced,  and  nothing  to  be  done,  and  I  had  an  oppertunity  to 
Get  in  Public  service.  I  agreed  to  Go  on  to  Pokipsey  and 
do  work  on  the  Two  Frigates  (2)  that  was  to  be  Built  there 
by  order  of  the  Continal  Congress  then  sitting  In  Philadel- 
phia on  the  first  of  Febru'ry  1776  several  that  was  Engaged 
and  walk'd  to  Pokipsey  83  miles — there  I  was  Engadg'd 
Till  the  first  July.  I  then  with  several  others  Formed  our- 
selves in  a  company  under  the  command  of  Barnardus 
Swartont  (3)  all  Yollenteers — the  Times  began  to  appear 
Very  Interesting — the  British  Fleet  and  large  army  was  at 
Statten  Island  (4) — we  mareh'd  off  In  High  Spirrits  Till  we 


NARRATIVE.  11 

Got  to  the  Calder-barrack  iiear  the  Croton  River — there  we 
Staid  but  three  Days  for  Direction — we  then  had  news  that 
English  army  was  Preparing  to  land  on  Long  Island  (5) — 
that  they  Easy  affected  under  The  Protection  of  Sniping— 
our  army  was  at  this  Time  on  Brooklin  Hights  *  fortifying  as 
fast  as  they  Could — the  Enemy  advanced  upon  Part  of  our 
army  under  the  com'd  of  Lord  Sterling  (8)  and  General 
Sullivan  (T) — they  Faught  on  the  Retreat  to  flat  Bush 
Hills.  (8)  There  the  battle  became  Very  Hot  but  the 
Enemy  was  too  Powerful — they  extended  there  write  wing 
so  as  to  Cut  off  the  Retreat  of  our  detachment  from  the 
main  army  which  they  succeeded  in  and  they  kilPd  and  Cap- 
tured many,  amongst  them  was  several  officers  and  the  Two 
Gen'ls — many  was  Drownded  iu  the  mill  Pond.  (9)  This 
took  Place  28th  august  1176  (10) — the  next  day  the  29, 
Capt.  Swartout  crowsed  with  us  to  the  Island  and  we  was 
Placed  on  the  Left  from  the  Hill  call'd  Fort  Green  (u)  to 
Wallabout — the  Two  armies  close  in  Yiew  of  Each  other, 
and  for  three  Days  the  Rain  fell  in  Torrents  so  that  we 
could  not  Cook — then  was  the  first  Time  I  was  Brought  to 
Eat  Raw  Pork — the  last  night  we  was  on  the  Island 
myself  and  Several  of  Volunteers  was  Put  on  advanced 
Centres  with  speshel  orders  How  to  behave  Should  we  discover 

*  A  battery  of  eight  guns  was  constructed  here. 


12  NARRATIVE. 

r,he  Enemy  advancing — the  night  was  Foggy  &  Very  Dark. 
Some  Circumstance  made  all  the  Centres  Return  on  the 
lines  but  myself — my  Remaning  at  my  Station  was  Imputed 
to  Bravery.  Early  in  the  morning  yet  Very  Dark  we  was 
Paraded  under  the  Report  that  we  was  to  attack  the 
Enemy  in  there  lines  we  was  Led  around  we  new  not  where 
till  I  Saw  the  old  Stone  Church  of  Brooklin(l2) — then  an 
officer  Riding  by  Says,  a  Groce  mistake — we  was  orded  to 
wheel  about  and  Reman  the  lines,  wich  we  did — a  dangerous 
attempt — there  we  Remaned  Till  Some  Time  after — we  then 
formed  the  Rear  Gard  we  was  orderd  forward,  Still  expected 
to  meet  the  Enemy  Till  we  found  ourselves  at  the  Ferry  and 
the  army  all  cross'd  (is)  But  the  Gard  then  under  the 
Command  of  Gen'l  Mifflin  (,4) — we  then  was  order'd  to 
Choak  up  the  Street  with  waggons  and  Carts  to  Prevent 
the  Light  Horse  from  Rushing  Down  upon  us — at  this  time 
no  boats — I  Prepar'd  myself  to  Swim  the  River  flood  tide 
But  Fortunately  Two  Battoes  Struck  the  Shore — by  this 
Time  there  was  but  a  Few  of  us  left — we  all  Hurred  on 
Board  and  Shoved  off — the  Enemy  Rush'd  Down  on  the 
Hill  and  Commenced  a  Brisk  fire.  Fortunately  no  one  was 
Hurt  in  our  Boat — the  other  Boat  had  four  wounded — we 
Remaned  in  the  Town  Two  days  then  our  Capt.  march'd  us 
up  the  Island  to  near  King's  Bridge— after  our  army  had  all 


THE  OLD  DUTCH  CHURCH,  BROOKLYN,  N.  Y. 


NARRATIVE.  13 

Cross'd  the  Enemy  was  Preparing  for  Further  operations. 
Two  Frigates  came  threw  the  Buttermilk  Channel  (is)  and 
came  to  anchor  off  Turk  el  &  Kips  Bay  to  cover  the  landing 
of  there  army  from  Long  Island — at  this  Time  our  Troops 
was  Retreating  up  York  Island — the  Enemy  advancing  till 
Harlem   Hills — there   our  Troops   Gave   Battle  (u) — the 
Battle  was   Severe  for   a  Time.      I  was  at   the   Morris 
House  (i7)  when  Major  Henley  (is)  was  brought  In  mortally 
wounded  who  Soon  Expir'd — we  Repulsed  the  Enemy  and 
kepd  the  Ground  for  a  time — it  was  soon  found  that  the 
Enemy  was  Preparing  there  Flotilla  for  the  Sound — Gen. 
Swartout  was  orded  to  move  off  the  Island  and  Take  Post 
on  Tippets  neck  on  the  East  Side  of  Spitendevil  (19) — at 
this  Time  I  Got  liberty  to  Visit  West  farms — when  I  Got 
there  I  saw  the  whole  River  from  Hellgate  to  Flushing  Bay 
Cover'd  with  Crafts  Full  of  Troops,  and  my  unkels  Family 
moving  ofl7 — at  this   Place  Colonel  Hand  with   his  Rifle 
Reg't  was  station'd — as  soon  as  I  Got  Back  to  the  Com- 
pany I  was  order'd  with  a  small  Escort  to  Procure  Teams  to 
move  off  our  Stores  and  Baggage — the  next  day  we  arrived 
at  the  white  Plains — the  British  Landed  and  was  In  new 
Rochelle — they  moved  on  to  near  the  Plains  when  Gen'l 
McDugal(2<>)  engaged  them  at  Chatterton  Hill  (21)  and 
there  He  kepd  the  Ground — the  Battle  was  Severe  (22) — 


14  NARRATIVE. 

I 

the  next  day  Capt.  Van  Vike  of  Fish  Kill  with  a  small  Party 
Took  the  Road  towards  marroneck  and  fell  in  with  a  Party 
of  English  Horse  and  Exchang'd  firing  when  our  Capt. 
Rec'd  a  ball  in  the  Head  by  the  hat  Band — they  was  too 
many  for  us,  but  we  bore  off  our  Capt.  and  Hid  him  in  the 
Thicket  and  the  next  morning  we  went  down  and  Bro't  him 
off  and  Buried  him — at  this  time  the  English  army  was 
Filing  off  to  the  left  To  the  attack  of  Fort  Washington  (23) 
and  our  army  moved  to  wright  towards  Peaks  Kill  the 
Chief  of  whom  was  order'd  to  Cross  the  River — by  this 
Time  fort  Washington  was  Closely  Invested — while  the 
main  Part  of  Enemy  was  Crossing  the  north  River  Wash- 
ington thought  Best  to  abandon  Fort  Lee,  (24)  as  Fort 
Washington  was  Surrender'd  (25) — at  this  Time  the  weather 
was  Getting  Very  Cool.  Gen'l  Swartout  Brigade  was 
Posted  on  the  South  Side  of  the  First  mountain  north  of 
Peaks  Kill.  In  December  we  had  Very  Cold  weather  and 
Severe  Snow  Storms — all  this  Time  we  was  In  Tents — we 
had  to  build  Chimnies  with  Sods  and  Stone  at  one  End  of 
Tents — about  the  first  Jan'y  we  was  discharged.  On  my 
Discharge  I  was  Presented  with  a  Commistion  In  the 
Standing  Army.  I  was  A  Good  deal  Surprized  at  it  for  I 
was  Very  little  known  and  unsolisited  for.  I  was  so  Strong 
a  Patriot  that  I  Very  Readily  accepted  and  was  orderd  To 


NARRATIVE.  15 

Join  Col'l  Lewis  Debois  Regiment  and  Take  his  orders — I 
did  and  was  Sent  on  the  Recruting  Service.  I  was  kept  on 
that  Service  for  some  time — I  Took  my  First  Station  at 
Bedford,  Westchester  County  and  made  my  Home  at  Elijah 
Hunter's  that  winter  and  as  uncle  Leggett  then  was  at 
Poundrige  with  his  family  I  went  there  Part  of  the  Time. 
In  the  Spring  I  Took  my  Station  at  and  near  Upper  Salem. 
I  made  my  Home  at  Isaac  Nortons  and  in  that  and  Spring 
of  1777  I  Enlisted  45  Good  men  for  army  most  of  them  for 
During  the  war — as  I  had  been  more  successfull  than  many 
others  I  kept  on  that  Duty — in  May  I  obtain'd  a  Flag  on 
my  own  »/c  and  Several  others  to  Cross  the  Sound  to 
Huntington,  to  fetch  off  some  Familys  and  in  the  Company 
Two  yong  Ladys,  a  Miss  Smith  who  was  under  Engage- 
ment to  Joseph  Titus  and  R.  Morgan  (25)  who  was  also 
under  Promise  to  myself.  While  we  lay  at  Huntington 
Harbour  the  Famous  Creditable  Expedition  of  Governor 
Tryon  (27)  from  New  York  landed  at  Compo  between  nor- 
walk  and  Fairfield,  march'd  up  Through  the  Country  to 
Danbury  where  was  a  large  Quantity  of  Provisons  and 
Stores  and  Destroy'd  the  whole  and  the  Town  and  on  there 
way  back  they  Burnt  Richfield  and  Norwalk  (2s) — as  soon 
as  they  Had  accomplish'd  that  Enterprize  they  suffered  us 
to  depart — on  our  arrival  at  Norwalk  we  was  astonish'd  to 


16  NARRATIVE. 

Behold  the  destruction  and  on  arriving  at  Ridgfield  we 
beheld  Several  of  the  wounded  and  Dying — one  man  had  a 
ball  threw  his  head  and  was  Still  alive — at  Every  breath  the 
blood  would  blubber  up  Tho'  he  had  been  wounded  before. 
I  Remaned  a  few  Days  at  Salem  and  29th  may  was 
Married.  In  a  few  days  I  had  to  Join  the  Regiment  at 
Fort  montgomery  (29)  in  the  Highlands — there  I  Remaned 
till  4th  Oct'r  at  night  I  was  order'd  with  Gard  and  Boat 
down  to  Verplanks  Point  (so)  to  Recornoiter  and  observe 
the  Conduct  and  movements  of  a  British  Frigate  that  had 
Got  there.  I  Reman'd  there  all  night  with  muffled  oars — 
all  was  Quiet — at  day  I  Return'd  as  orded  and  Reported — 
on  5th  In  the  Evening  Col'l  Bruen  was  Sent  down  to  the 
mountain  first  above  Stoney  Point — this  was  in  Consequence 
of  the  Information  of  a  large  Force  arrived  there — they 
Tarried  there  Till  morning — saw  no  movements  and  Return'd 
To  Fort  but  as  it  seemed  when  our  Gard  left  the  mountain 
the  Enemy  ascended  for  the  Col'l  and  his  Gard  had  not  Got 
there  Breakfast  before  we  had  news  the  Enemy  was  ascend- 
ing the  mountain — a  strong  Party  was  orded  To  meet 
them — we  met  them  in  the  hills  and  Bushes  Two  miles  from 
the  fort.  Part  had  Got  up  the  mountain  and  a  part  had 
Gone  Round  to  attack  the  other  part  of  Fort — we  Faught 
them  on  a  Retreat  the  Two  miles  till  we  Enteral  fort  Clin- 


NARRATIVE.  17 

tou(si)  on  the  west  Side  of  Kill — the  Two  Forts  where 
connected  by  a  Bridge.  Part  of  the  force  was  orded  over 
the  bridge  to  montgomery — by  this  Time  it  was  Very  Dark. 
A  Flag  was  sent  and  met  by  Col'l  W.  Livingston — there 
Demand  was  for  a  Surrender — the  answer  was  they  must 
Take  it.  Soon  as  the  answer  was  Returned  Col.  Cambell 
who  Commanded  the  attack  as  soon  as  he  was  Informed  the 
answer  he  Gave  orders  to  spare  none — they  Came  on  Very 
Furiously  and  was  Beat  back  and  the  Second  and  third 
Time  when  the  Chief  of  line  was  Silenced  all  but  the 
Redought  I  was  in  Commanded  By  Left.  Col'l  Bruen  and 
Major  Logan — at  This  Time  we  was  Closely  beset  by  Col'l 
Tunbull  of  Brittish  and  offered  Good  Quarters  To  Surren- 
der and  was  accepted  but  the  moment  we  Surrender'd  they 
Crowded  in  upon  us  and  began  to  Strip  and  Pillage  what 
Ever  we  had  on  or  about  us.  (32)  I  spoke  To  Tunbull 
myself  Sir  you  Promist  us  Good  Quarters — your  Soldiers 
are  stripping  us  and  leaving  us  naked— his  answer  was  They 
have  Captur'd  the  Fort  at  the  Risk  of  There  lives  and  I 
Cant  Restrane  them — we  had  then  to  Submit — it  was 
Fortunate  For  us  that  Cambell  (33)  who  was  for  Putting  all 
to  the  Sword  Fell  in  the  first  Repulse — had  he  Survived  I 
dought  if  any  would  have  been  Spared  as  We  was  Informed 
he  was  a  Very  Blood  thirsty  fellow.     They  lost  In  that 


18  NARRATIVE. 

Enterprise  Five  Field  officers  and  near  600  in  all  killed  and 
a  Grate  many  wounded — we  lost  But  Trifling  In  killed  and 
the  most  of  Them  after  Surrender.  We  kill'd  our  number — 
we  had  not  to  Exceed  from  6  to  700  and  the  half  of  them 
was  new  Recrutes  aud  Raw  millitia — that  night  on  6th 
Oct'r  we  was  taking  to  the  Barracks  for  Confinement — it 
So  happend  that  I  was  put  in  the  same  Room  that  I  occu- 
pide  before  the  attack  and  my  Baggage  was  safe  But  it  was 
not  long  before  Some  of  these  Hungry  officers  Came  in  the 
Room  and  asking  Silly  Questions  Took  the  liberty  to 
Remove  our  Trunks  out  of  the  Room  under  the  pretence  of 
searching  for  arms — a  Capt.  J.  Barns  of  Emmirick  Core 
whose  station  was  on  the  lines — when  Barnes  attempted  to 
Remove  the  Trunk  I  claim'd  and  Told  him  I  was  the  oldest 
son  of  John  Leggett  who  was  his  Very  Intimate  Friend — 
he  said  he  was  only  Going  to  search  for  arms — if  he  Found 
none  would  Return  the  Trunk  but  he  did  not  find  any  I  well 
know,  but  the  next  Day  I  Saw  him  Dress'd  In  my  Clothes 
and  what  I  most  Regretted  was  a  pair  of  Small  Clothes  of 
the  Best  make  of  Alsup  &  James  Hunt  Leather  Breeches 
makers  (34) — we  was  Captur'd  on  monday  Evening  6th 
Octo'r — after  Dark — we  was  kept  in  the  Barrack  Till 
Wednesday  in  the  Forenoon  when  we  was  taken  from  thence 
and  Convaid  Down  the  north  River  a  little  below  Peaks 


NAKRATIVE.  19 

Kill  and  Put  on  Board  of  a  Small  Transport  Ship  Call'd  the 
Mertell  a  Capt.  Coats — we  was  in  all  about  300  officers  and 
Privits  Crowded  up  In  Heaps  between  Decks  being  so 
Crowded  that  one  Half  Could  not  lie  Down  at  the  Same 
Time  and  So  Close  we  Clould  Scarsely  Respire — a  Grate 
Call  was  made  For  water— after  Considerable  Delay  there 
was  a  Tub  or  Bucket  put  down  but  so  foul  that  altho'  we 
was  almost  Dying  for  Thirst  Could  not  Drink  it — at  the 
same  Time  at  low  Tide  the  water  along  side  was  Drinkable — 
the  officer  who  had  the  Card  at  this  Time  on  Deck  was  a 
Capt.  or  Lt.  Robertson  a  son  of  Beverly  Robertson  whose 
Family  then  Lived  at  there  Seat  a  little  above  Fort  mont- 
gomery  whose  young  Ladys  and  the  mother  the  night 
Before  the  Fort  was  Taken  Entertaind  Gen'l  Putnam  (ss) 
with  that  Pleasing  attention  that  he  forgot  what  he  had 
been  informed  off  the  night  before  by  myself.  Had  he 
attended  and  Sent  over  the  Forces  he  had  in  his  Power,  we 
should  not  have  been  Taken,  (se)  Sir  H.  Clintons  Effective 
Force  at  that  onset  was  more  than  3000  strong — while  we 
was  lying  at  anchor  I  formed  a  Plan  of  Going  on  shore.  I 
had  Prepared  myself  with  a  Rope  by  making  it  fast  to  the 
stantion  and  Crawling  out  feet  foremost  I  Could  lower 
myself  in  the  water  and  swim  for  the  East  Shore  I  was  fully 
confident  I  Could  Gain  the  shore,  But  Col'l  Brown  and 


20  NARRATIVK. 

major  Logan  sit  In  to  Perswade  me  from  the  attempt  as  it 
would  Cause  more  severity  with  the  Rest  on  board — There 
Treatment  was  so  severe  the}7  had  some  Fear  that  we  would 
attempt  to  Rize  on  the  Gard  For  they  Placed  Two  4 
Pounders  at  the  Hatch  and  Loaded  and  Pointed  down  the 
Hatchway  with  a  threat  if  we  made  the  least  noize  they 
would  Fire  Down  amongst  us — we  was  kept  so  Close  that 
Several  was  near  sufficated — on  Saturday  morning  the  ship 
Came  too  at  the  Forrage  Yard  then  kept  at  Bear  mar- 
ket (37) — about  10  o'clock  we  was  landed  and  the  officers 
was  seperated  from  the  privits — they  was  Bent  To  the  Sugar 
House  and  the  officers  was  Escorted  to  the  main  Gard  then 
in  the  Old  City  Hall  (ss)  at  the  Head  of  Broad  st — all  this 
Time  we  had  nothing  to  Eat,  but  that  night  Col'l  Wil'm 
Livingston  sent  a  note  to  Mr.  Simons  (39)  who  kept  a  Public 
House  at  the  Corner  of  nassaw  st.  By  that  means  we  was 
supply'd  for  that  Time — on  Sunday  morning  we  was 
Escorted  From  that  Prizen  to  the  new  Jail  (40)  Call'd  The 
Provost  Gard  and  at  both  Removes  we  was  Very  Highly 
Complemented  on  the  way  by  the  loyal  subjects  with  all  the 

hard  names  they  Could  think  of,  such  as  D d  Rebels 

and  all  other  Fulsom  names  they  Could  think  of.  We  did 
look  Very  Bad  for  the  soldiers  Stripp'd  whatever  we  had  on 
that  was  worth  Taking  off.     I  saved  myself  from  being 


zsms&tei*** 


NARRATIVE.  21 

Stripp'd  for  the  morning  we  was  orderd  out  to  meet  the 
Enemy  I  Put  on  the  Poorest  Clothes  I  had  not  wishing  to 
dirty  Good  ones.  On  our  way  up  nassaw  st.  near  Maiden 
lane  I  espide  my  yongest  sister  Susan  («)  standing  on 
Mr.  Norwood's  (42)  Stoop — as  Soon  as  she  Espide  me  She 
dropp'd* — I  saw  no  more  of  Her — she  Could  not  Get  to  see 
me  but  Sent  me  some  Beding  and  Provisons  that  was  of 
Grate  Releaf — when  we  Got  to  Gard  House  we  was 
Divided — 12  of  us  was  shut  in  the  north  Corner  Room  on 
the  First  floor  and  13  was  Put  up  on  the  second  floor  East 
Corner  Room — after  we  was  Shut  in  the  Keeper  Came  In 
and  Search'd  and  Took  Everything  we  had  about  us  not 
leaving  a  pen  knife  and  on  Wednesday  they  Threw  in 
through  the  Hole  in  the  Door  Some  Raw  salt  Beef  and  a 
little  Damaged  sea  bread — as  soon  as  the  bread  fell  on  the 
floor  it  Took  legs  and  Ran  in  all  Directions — so  full  of  life — 
the  flower  was  Very  Filthy — more  like  Hog  sty  than  any- 
thing else — This  was  Ten  Days  without  Drawing  Provisions 
after  Taken — the  Reason  they  Gave  for  their  severe  Treat- 
ment they  said  we  had  attempted  to  set  the  Barracks  on 
Fire  at  our  leaving  them  to  go  on  board  but  the  Case  was 
soon  Changed  after  the  Capture  of  Burgoine  and  His 
army  (43)  of  which  we  Got  news  In  Prizen  before  the  matter 

*  She  fainted. 


22  NARRATIVK. 

was  known  in  the  Citty  Except  by  Some  of  Higher  officers — 
the  way  the  news  was  Convaid  to  the  Prisen  was  in  a  Larue 
Loaf  of  Bread — the  statement  on  Paper  and  Placed  in  a  loaf 
and  Baked  and  was  Sent  Colonel  William  Livingston  who 
was  Taken  with  us — as  soon  as  that  was  Bead  in  the 
Congress  Boom,  the  whole  Prizen  Resounded  with  three 
Cheers  (44) — the  keeper  was  alarm'd  with  Such  an  uproar  as 
he  Call'd  it — Hasten'd  to  the  second  floor  to  know  what  was 
the  uproar — then  He  was  Inform'd — he  denide  it  and  Said  it 

was  a  D d  Bebbel  lie — after  this  Mas  fully  known  we 

was  offer'd  our  Porlows  as  other  officers  on  our  Signing  a 
Declaration  wich  they  offer'd  that  we  Did  not  attempt  to 
leave  fire  as  was  against  us — we  then  signed  the  Parole 
Bond  and  was  Taken  out  of  Prizen  ou  the  first  day  of  Nov'r 
and  Placed  at  different  Houses  in  and  about  Bedford  three 
miles  from  Brooklin — we  was  only  in  that  Situation  one 
Month  fur  we  was  Too  much  In  View  of  the  Movements  of 
British — from  that  we  was  Scatter'd  to  Various  Parts — as 
for  myself  I  was  Put  to  Board  at  Xew  Utrich  where  nine 
months  and  Lived  Very  well  as  the  Family  did — from  thence 
was  sent  a  |  mile  Further  to  make  Room  for  some  British 
officers.  This  was  at  the  Time  the  British  army  was 
Retreating  From  Philadelphia.  I  was  now  at  Rutgers  Van 
brunt  who  was  the  High  Sherif — while  there  I  Had  a  severe 


OLD     PROVOST, 

NEW    YORK. 


NARRATIVE.  23 

attack  of  the  Billious  Fever.  I  was  Confined  Ten  days — as 
soon  as  I  was  aide  to  go  about  I  was  Removed  from  there 
to  Mr.  Abr'm  Sniderkers  at  Xew  Lots  on  the  Jamaca  Road 
about  Eight  miles  from  the  ferry  and  was  Very  Comfortable 
situated — there  I  Remain'd  till  the  28th  Day  of  Febuary 
when  I  obtain'd  a  Parole  To  Visit  my  family — the  next  day 
the  first  march  Commenced  a  Very  Severe  Blustering  snow 
storm  and  continued  three  weeks — all  that  Time  I  was 
detained — Could  not  Cross  the  Sound — at  last  the  weather 
became  moderate  and  I  Cross'd  the  Sound  with  Capt. 
Brewster  to  Fairfield.  Connecticut,  and  when  I  arrived  at 
Salem  at  Esq'r  Leggett  and  there  I  Found  my  wife  and 
Child  well  and  Happy  to  meet  again  after  18  months 
absence  and  the  Child  Eleven  months  old  who  is  now  the 
wife  of  Capt.  J.  Breath  (<s)  and  the  mother  of  nine 
Children.  While  I  was  a  Prizener  I  Had  Very  Flattering 
offers  if  I  would  Joiu  the  British,  or  in  otherwise  would  Take 
Protection  and  Go  into  Business  in  Xew  York — my  answer 
was,  I  have  put  my  Hand  to  the  Plow  and  Cant  look 
Back — I  shall  Stand  by  my  Country — We  Remain'd  at  my 
unkels  Esq'r  Leggetts  Till  the  Last  april — I  then  Rented  a 
small  Tenement  of  Cap't  Jabes  Trusedal  at  north  Salem. 
and  Took  an  old  Smithshop  and  went  to  work  at  my  Trade. 
I  Remain'd  there  Till  the  next  Spring  1778.     I  then  Rented 


24  NARRATIVE. 

a  small  farm  of  the  commisioners  of  Sequestration  and  let  it 
out  on  shares.  In  June  my  wife  Rebecca  was  Confined  with 
her  second  Daughter,  Rebecca — the  third  Day  She  Expir'd — 
Then  I  was  left  alone  with  Two  Small  Children — the  oldest 
but  Twenty  months.  I  soon  Broke  up  House  keeping  and 
sold  what  few  Goods  I  Had — my  oldest  Child  Betsey  T 
Took  to  my  aunt  Leggett  and  the  Infant  I  Put  to  nurse  To 
A  Miss  Hoxey  who  nursed  with  a  bottle  on  Cows  milk,  and 
kept  her  three  and  a  half  years  Till  my  second  marriage.  (48) 
In  the  year  1181  I  was  Exchanged  when  A  General 
Exchange  Took  Place  by  a  Resolution  of  Congress  where 
there  more  of  the  Rank  than  was  Requir'd — The  Senior 
officer  Had  his  Choice  to  Remain  or  Retire  on  Half  Pay  for 
life  and  to  Receve  all  the  Emollements  as  if  still  In  the 
Ranks.  In  1782  Major  Jesse  Brush  was  Commission'd  By 
Govenor  Clinton  (4?)  To  Go  on  to  Long  Hand  In  a  Privite 
manner  and  Endevour  to  obtain  Hard  money  on  Loan  For 
to  supply  some  of  the  wants  of  the  Troops  who  was  Gratly 
Suffering  for  the  want  of  Every  thing  and  our  Paper  money 
was  nothing.  Maj'r  Brush  Took  myself  with  him — we 
Remaind  on  the  Island  about  three  weeks  In  a  Privit 
manner.  In  that  Time  He  arranged  with  Several  Persons 
for  Specie  and  How  to  be  Convey'd  over  the  Sound.  One 
day  while  there  I  spent  the  Day  at  Solomon  Smiths  ;  who 


NARRATIVE.  25 

Resided  ou  the  Shore  at  the  mouth  of  Smith  Town  Branch — 
the  old  man  was  a  Grate  Tory — he  was  a  widower  with 
Three  Daughters — fine  Girls  and  Good  whigs.  I  Pass'd 
myself  to  the  old  man  as  a  Butcher  From  X.  York  Looking 
for  fat  Cattle  and  Sheep — the  old  man  Had  been  Plunder'd 
by  Both  sides  he  Told  me  and  was  Grately  Distress'd  and 
did  not  know  what  he  Should  do  for  Bread  for  the  family. 
In  The  afternoon  the  old  man  rode  out — the  Girls  was 
fearful  in  the  afternoon  that  they  might  be  Visited  by  Some 
of  the  Refugees  from  Fort  Slongum^s) — Advised  me  to 
Retire  up  stairs  Till  night  for  Fear.  In  the  Evning  I  Join'd 
our  Party  in  the  Bush  whare  we  was  supplide  with  a  Good 
Repast  by  the  Hands  of  the  miss  Smiths — and  that  after- 
noon arrangements  was  Enter'd  with  The  Cap't  of  a  Gard 
Vessel  that  lay  in  the  Harbour  To  let  us  Pass  with  our 
Boat  as  we  was  only  a  Privit  Party  with  no  Hostile  Inten- 
tions— he  Gave  us  the  Counter  Sign  and  late  in  the  Even'g 
we  Road  out  of  the  harbour — by  the  Time  we  Got  nearly  \ 
over  the  East  wind  Increasing  Caused  so  much  sea  we  found 
it  necesary  to  Bare  away  for  the  long  Island  shore  with 
our  whale  Boat,  nine  of  us  in  her — we  lauded  at  a  Place 
four  miles  East  from  whare  we  set  out  call'd  the  north 
Swamp — as  soon  as  we  landed  the  only  one  In  the  Company 
that  knew  whare  to  Go  was  myself.     I  Took  T.  Williams  (4*) 


26  NARRATIVE. 

with  me  to  Procure  some  Provisos  about  one  to  the  widow 
Floyds.  I  had  been  There  before — we  was  sttpplide  with 
what  we  wanted  and  Return'd  to  the  Boat  which  Had  been 
Carried  up  in  the  Edge  of  the  Bushes  and  Turned  Bottom 
up  for  it  Came  on  to  Rain  and  Storm — about  4  o'clock  it 
held  up — three  of  our  Party  went  on  the  Hill  under  a 
Chesnut  Tree.  While  there  They  was  surprized  by  a  Party 
of  Refugee  Torys  they  Then  Rose  over  the  hill  Close  upon 
the  Rest  of  us.  The  day  before  we  had  Presented  to  us 
several  of  Rivington  Royal  Gazette — Lieut.  Kefchum  was 
overlooking  one  and  I  was  Reading  over  his  sholder  when 
the  stuuuing  yell,  Surrender  you  Dam  Rebels  and  at  the 
Instant  fired  a  Voley  down  upon  us — we  all  started  for  the 
Swamp  not  more  than  5  or  6  Rods.  .  I  had  not  been 
more  than  seated  in  my  mud  and  water  Seat  thau  the 
Cry  was  Here  is  the  Track  of  one  and  another  sung  out  the 
Same — from  the  Voice  I  knew  it  was  mine — the  first  one 
Sung  out  here  is  one — who  is  it — maj'r  Brush.  Dont  Hurt 
him  was  the  Cry.  I  was  Very  Glad  to  hear  That  fur  as  he 
was  a  Very  active  man  I  had  my  fears.  By  this  Time  the 
Persuer  on  my  Track  Came  in  full  View  of  me — at  the 
moment  he  brought  his  Gun  from  his  Right  Sholder  on  his 
left  arm  the  Bayonet  fixt  my  Thought  was  he  then  was 
a  going  To  Sciver  me.     I  determiu'd  in  my  mind  to  Surren- 


NARRATIVK.  27 

der  at  the  Instant  he  Gave  another  long  Stride  to  another 
Bog  which  brought  a  bush  between  as — as  he  made  His 
Step  I  was  Rising  up  but  I  Soon  Crouch'd  again — So  they 
Pass'd  off — they  then  assembled  a  Round  the  boat — Some 
went  after  a  waggon  and  Horses  about  a  mile  to  the  settle- 
ment and  Return'd  with  it,  Took  the  Boat  and  what  Else 
there  was  and  Drove  off.  (50)  I  Remain'd  in  my  Soft  seat 
for  I  dare  not  stir  for  fear  some  whare  left  to  watch  the 
Swam}) — when  it  Got  Quite  Dark  I  Drew  myself  Softy  out 
of  the  mud  and  sneak'd  a  Cross  the  Fealds  to  the  House  I 
had  been  at  the  night  before  and  with  the  Soft  Tap  at  the 
back  part  of  the  house  window,  it  was  not  long  before  the 
window  open'd — the  Girls  Saw  my  Situation — all  wet  and 
muddy.  Miss  Floyd  Got  her  father's  Cloths — he  was  a 
small  man  and  I  Considerable  Stouter.  I  Had  Difficulty  to 
Get  them  on — when  done  I  was  Present'd  with  a  flask  of 
Cherry  Bounce — the  Cordal  Came  in  Good  time.  Then 
follow'd  other  Refreshments — we  then  sat  on  the  bed  side — 
a  yong  Lady  on  Each  Side — they  then  Gave  me  the 
account  of  the  Refugees — they  was  in  the  Place  some  time, 
Press'd  waggon  and  Horses,  and  with  Boisterous  behavour 
and  Threats — from  the  Girls  I  first  Learnt  that  Ketchum 
was  Shot — after  Talking  some  time  I  was  furnishd  with  a 
Blanket  and  was   waited  upon   by  the  Girls   to  Barn — 


2S  NARRATIVK. 

when  we  Came  to  the  door  Miss  Floyd  observed  the  Barn 
Door  was  not  fast  on  the  out  Side  as  usal  but  Concluded 
some  of  the  Party  had  been  in  after  Straw — after  Talking 
a  while  they  bid  me  Good  night  and  fastened  the  Door  on 
the  outside  as  usal — as  soon  as  they  was  Gone  and  I  Turn'd 
myself  Rouud  to  Get  in  the  Straw  I  was  Surprized  to  hear 
footsteps  in  the  Hay — the  first  Thought  that  oceur'd  the 
Refugees  had  Got  in  before  me — the  Door  not  fast  on  the 
outside  strengthend  that  Idea — all  that  I  Could  do  in  that 
dillema  was  to  Show  Bold — therefore  I  hail'd  Boldly,  who  is 
there — by  the  answer  the  Voice  I  new.*  He  Replide, 
"  is  that  you  Leggett " — my  answer,  yes — his  Reply,  God  I 
am  Glad — So  there  was  Two  Glad — he  being  in  his  wet 
Clothes  I  Gave  my  Blanket  and  Slepd  in  The  Straw  "Very 
Comfortable  Till  morning — at  an  Early  hour  the  Faithful! 
Girls  Came  with  a  Very  Good  Brecfast,  Coffe,  Toost,  and 
Beef  Stake,  of  the  best,  and  Plenty  Good  soft  Peaches. 
They  staid  and  Chatted  Till  Time  to  Prepare  For  Church 
about  4  miles  at  what  is  Call'd  at  head  of  the  Branch — at 
there  Return,  we  was  Servd  with  Dinner — they  was  so 
Good  as  to  Spend  a  Considerable  of  The  afternoon — at  Tea 
Time  we  was  sarved  in  Stile — In  the  Coarse  of  the  Day 
there  was  dispatched  one  of  the  sons  To  see  if  Capt.  Bruster 

*  The  name  of  this  person  was  Timothy  Williams. 


NABRAT1VE. 


29 


was  over — the  answer  was  favorable,  So  in  the  Evening  we 

was  furnished  with  Two  Horses  aud  a  Guide  to  Conduct  us 
to  the  Place — we  was  Rec'd  on  board  and  by  Day  light  In 
the  morning  we  Landed  at  Black  Rock,  Fairfield,  Glad  that 
we  was  on  Safe  Ground — not  long  before,  we  heard  from  the 
Captives  by  some  of  there  Friends  that  went  to  see  them- 
They  Express'd  there  Joye  that  I  was  aot  with  them  For  on 
there  march  to  Fort  Slongum  they  met  Doct.  True  whom  I 
had  caused  to  be  stop'd  the  winter  before  near  Bedford — he 
Drew  his  Sword  and  to  show  them  How  he  would  Serv'd 
me,  he  Cut  and  Hack'd  the  Bushes  about  him — they  said 
he  Had  the  appearance  of  Savage,  and  had  I  ben  There  He 
would  have  Put  his  Threats  in  Execution. 


^JW^^^Lef^d^ 


NOTES 


(i)  John  Leggett,  the  father  of  our  author,  was  the  son  of 
William  Leggett,  of  West  Farms.  His  grandfather,  Gahriel 
Leggett,  the  first  of  the  name  that  settled  in  the  State  of  New 
York,  was  born  in  England  in  1635,  and  came  to  New  York 
in  the  year  1661.  He  settled  in  that  part  of  Westchester 
County,  now  known  as  West  Farms,  where  he  married 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  John  Richardson,  one  of  the  first 
patentees  of  the  place.  She  was  still  living  in  1714.  Gabriel 
Leggett's  will  is  dated  April  16,  1697.  He  left  three  sons — 
John,  William  and  Gabriel — and  one  or  more  daughters. 
His  son  William  had  two  sons — Abraham  and  John — the 
latter  of  whom  was  the  father  of  our  author,  Major  Leggett. 
The  subject  of  this  note  was  born  in  West  Farms  on  the 
4th  day  of  Jan.,  1732.  His  wife's  maiden  name  was  Sarah 
Alsop.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Thomas  Alsop,  of  Newtown, 
L.  I.,  who  served  for  some  years  as  a  magistrate,  and  after- 
wards went  into  the  mercantile  business  in  New  York,  where 


32  NOTES. 

he  died  in  Sept.,  1743,  in  his  56th  year.  Her  mother  was 
Susannah,  daughter  of  Robert  Rlackwell.  Mr.  Leggett  was 
married  to  Miss  Alsop  on  the  5th  day  of  June,  1753.  On  the 
death  of  her  husband  in  1762,  Mrs.  Leggett  returned  to 
Newtown,  her  native  place,  where  she  subsequently  married 
a  Mr.  Lawrence,  and  it  is  believed  that  she  died  in  that  town. 

(o)  These  frigates  were  the  Montgomery,  of  24  guns,  Capt. 
John  Bodge,  and  the  Congress,  of  28  guns,  Capt.  Thomas 
Grennall.  They  were  built  at  or  near  Poughkeepsie,  on  the 
Hudson  river,  in  pursuance  of  a  resolution  of  Congress  of 
December  13,  1775.  They  never  got  to  sea,  as  the  British 
held  the  mouth  of  the  river  from  August,  1776,  to  Novem- 
ber, 1783.  In  the  year  1777,  when  Sir  Henry  Clinton  took 
the  forts  in  the  highlands,  these  two  vessels,  having  been 
ordered  down  for  the  defence  of  the  chain,  were  burnt  by 
their  crews  to  prevent  them  from  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemy. 

(3)  Col.  Bernardus  Swartwout  was  the  son  of  Bernardus 
Swartwout,  a  prominent  merchant  of  New  York,  and  was 
born  on  the  26th  day  of  September,  1761.  After  the 
Revolution,  he  went  with  his  father  into  the  brick  and  lumber 
business  in  New  York  city,  in  which  he  continued  for  many 
years.  He  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  New  York 
State  Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  and  in  the  year  1794  was 
elected  its  Assistant  Treasurer.  In  the  year  following,  he  held 
the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  same  organization.  He  died  at 
Greenburgh,  Westchester  County,  N.  Y.,  on  Friday,  October 
8th,  1824,  in  the  69th  year  of  his  age.  His  remains  were 
interred  in  the  graveyard  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church 
at  Sleepy  Hollow. 


NOTES.  33 

i,i  "  The  British  troops  landed  on  Staten  Island  on  the  3d 

July,  1776.     A  part  of  the  stock  had  been  taken  off.     The 

inhabitants,  who  were  about  350  men,  were  supposed  to  be 

generally  opposed  to  the  Revolution.1' 

Heath's  Memoirs,  p.  48. 

(o)  "  The  British  commanders,  having  resolved  to  make 
their  fir-t  attempt  on  Long  Island,  landed  their  troops,  esti- 
mated at  about  24,000  men,  at  Gravesend  Bay,  to  the  right  of 
the  Narrows,  on  the  22d  Aug.,  1776.  The  Americans,  to  the 
amount  of  15,000,  under  Maj.  Gen.  Sullivan,  were  posted  on  a 
peninsula  between  Mill  Creek,  a  little  above  Bed  Hook,  and 
an  elbow  of  the  East  River,  called  Wallabout  Bay.  Here  they 
had  erected  strong  fortifications,  which  were  separated  from 
New  York  by  the  East  River,  at  a  distance  of  a  mile.  A  line 
of  intrenchments  from  the  Mill  Creek  enclosed  a  large  space  of 
ground,  on  which  stood  the  American  camp,  near  the  village 
of  Brooklyn.  This  line  was  separated  by  a  range  of  hills, 
covered  with  thick  woods,  which  intersect  the  country  from 
west  to  east,  terminating  on  the  east,  near  Jamaica.'1 

Holmes''  Annals.  Vol.  2.  p.  215. 

(6)  "William  Alexander  (commonly  known  as  Lord  Ster- 
ling), was  born  in  the  city  of  New  York  in  the  year  1726,  and 
was  the  son  of  James  Alexander,  a  Scotchman,  who  took 
refuge  in  America  in  1716,  after  an  active  espousal,  during  the 
previous  year,  of  the  cause  of  the  Pretender.  His  mother  was 
the  widow  of  David  Provoost,  better  known  in  the  city  of 
New  York  a  little  more  than  a  century  ago,  as  "  Ready 
Money  Provoost."  The  subject  of  our  sketch  received  an 
excellent  mathematical  education,  and  obtained  some  dis- 
tinction as  a  man  of  science.     In  the  French  and  Indian  war 


34  NOTES. 

he  acted  as  Aid-de-camp  and  Secretary  to  Gen.  Shirley,  and  at 
the  close  of  the  war  accompanied  him  to  England.  He 
returned  to  America  in  1761,  and  soon  after  married  the 
daughter  of  Philip  Livingston.  In  March,  1776,  he  was 
appointed  by  Congress  a  Brigadier-General,  and  in  April 
following  took  command  at  New  York.  He  was  taken  prisoner 
at  the  battle  of  Brooklyn,  but  was  soon  after  exchanged,  and 
in  February  following,  was  appointed  Major-General.  He  was 
subsequently  in  the  battles  of  Brandywine,  Germantown  and 
Monmouth,  and  in  1781  was  stationed  at  Albany,  to  command 
the  Northern  army.  In  the  year  following  he  made  Phila- 
delphia his  head-quarters,  and  in  the  Spring  he  again  took 
command  of  the  northern  troops,  and  located  himself  at 
Albany.  He  died  there  on  the  15th  January,  1783,  from  an 
attack  of  the  gout,  in  the  57th  year  of  his  age. 

(-)  Maj.  Gen.  John  Sullivan  was  born  in  Berwick,  in  the 
State  of  Maine,  on  the  17th  day  of  Feb.,  1740.  After  studying 
law  he  established  himself  in  the  profession  in  New  Hamp- 
shire. Turning  his  attention  to  military  affairs,  he  received, 
in  1772,  the  commission  of  Major,  and  in  1775,  that  of  Briga- 
dier-General. The  next  year  he  was  sent  to  Canada,  and  on 
the  death  of  Gen.  Thomas,  succeeded  him  in  command  of  the 
army  there.  In  this  year  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of 
Major-General,  and  was  soon  after  captured  by  the  British  in 
the  battle  on  Long  Island.  He  was  subsequently  exchanged, 
and  rejoined  the  army.  At  the  battles  of  Trenton,  Brandy- 
wine  and  Germantown,  he  commanded  a  division,  and  was  the 
sole  commander  of  an  expedition  to  Newport,  R.  I.,  which 
failed  through  want  of  cooperation  of  the  French  fleet.  In 
1779  he  commanded  an  expedition  against  the  Indians.     He 


NOTES.  35 

was  afterwards  a  member  of  Congress,  and  was  for  three  years 
President  of  New  Hampshire.  Tn  1789  he  was  appointed  a 
judge  of  the  District  Court,  and  continued  in  that  office  until 
his  death,  which  occurred  Jan.  23d,  1795. 

I  -i  The  FLATBrsn  Hills— the  chain  of  hills  or  high  ground 
running  across  the  Island,  in  a  northeasterly  direction  from 
New  Utrecht  on  the  south,  towards  Hempstead  Bay  on  the 
north,  forming  the  boundary  line  between  Brooklyn  and  New 
Utrecht — a  natural  line  of  defense. 

(9)  The  Millpoxd  here  mentioned  is  that  of  Brower's  Mill, 
the  oldest  of  the  eight  tide-mills  which  until  within  a  few 
years  existed  in  the  boundaries  of  Brooklyn.  The  pond  was 
formed  by  damming  off  the  head  of  Gowanus  Kil,  or  Creek. 
This  mill,  in  1661.  was  held  conjointly  by  Isaac  de  Forest  and 
Adam  Brower,  the  latter  of  whom  subsequently  became  its 
sole  owner.  It  was  probably  held  on  a  lease,  as  the  land 
belonged  to  Jan  Evertsen  Bout,  who  in  1667  gave  '"the  corn 
and  meadows,  and  place  whereon  the  mill  is  grounded,"  to 
the  children  of  Brower.  The  mill  subsequently  came  into  the 
hands  of  Freeke,  from  whence  it  is  often  called  uFreeke's 
Mill."  also  as  the  "Old  Gowanus  Mill.''  There  is  a  good 
representation  of  it  in  "  Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the 
Eevolution,"  vol.  2,  p.  810. 

(10)  The  battle  of  Brooklyn  took  place  on  the  28th  day  of 
August,  1776,  and  resulted  in  the  complete  victory  of  the 
British.  The  total  loss  of  the  Americans  was  estimated 
at  more  than  3,000  men  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners. 
Among  the  latter  were  Major-General  Sullivan,  and  Brigadier- 


36  NOTB8. 

Generals  Lord  Sterling  and  Woodhull.  Almost  the  entire 
regiment  of  Maryland,  consisting  of  young  men  of  the  best 
families  in  that  province,  was  cut  to  pieces.  Six  pieces  of 
cannon  fell  into  the  power  of  the  victors.  The  loss  of  the 
English  was  very  inconsiderable ;  in  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners,  it  did  not  amount  to  400  men. 

For  accounts  of  the  battle,  see — 

Freeman's  Journal,  Sept.  28.  1776. 

Thompson's  Hist.  Long  Island,  vol.  i.,  p.  216. 

Onderdonk' s  Suffolk  and  Kings  Counties,  p.  132. 

Gordon,  vol.  ii..  p.  306. 

Holmes'  Am.  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  245. 

Samuel  Ward's  paper,  Knickerbocker  Mag.,  vol.  xiii..  p.  281. 

Martin's  Narrative,  p.  17. 

(n)  Fort  Putxam,  now  known  as  Fort  Green,  and  Wash- 
ington Square,  was  a  redoubt  with  five  guns,  and  commanded 
the  East  River  and  the  roads  approaching  Brooklyn  from  the 
interior.  An  intrenchment  extended  from  Fort  Putnam  north- 
westerly, down  the  hill  to  a  spring  (in  1852  in  a  tanning 
yard,  with  a  pump  in  it,  near  the  intersection  of  Portland 
street  and  Flushing  Avenue).  This  spring  was  then  on  the 
verge  of  the  Wallabout. 

Lossing's  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution,  vol.  ii.,  p.  806. 

(12)  The  Old  Stone  CnuKCH  here  referred  to,  was  the 
Dutch  Reformed  Church,  erected  about  the  year  1706,  in  the 
middle  of  the  road  from  the  Ferry  to  Flatbush  (now  Fulton- 
street,  near  the  vicinity  of  the  burying-ground,  between  Hoyt 
and  Smith  streets),  and  was  the  second  church  edifice  which 
had  stood  on  that  spot.  The  old  church  was  square  in  form, 
and  was  built  of  stone.     It  had  high  windows,  with  painted 


NOTKS.  37 

glass  of  a  grape-vine  pattern.     It  had  a  sort  of  hump-backed 
roof,  surmounted  by  a  cupola.     It  was  the  "  alarm  post "  of 

the  American  forces  during  the  battle  of  Brooklyn,  and  until 
after  the  Revolution,  the  only  church  edifice  in  the  town. 

(13)  This  difficult  movement  was  effected  with  great  skill 
and  judgment,  and  with  complete  success.  Heaven  remarkably 
favored  the  fugitive  army.  A  southwest  wind  springing  op  at 
eleven,  essentially  facilitated  its  passage  from  the  island  to 
the  city ;  and  a  thick  fog,  hanging  over  Long  Island  from 
about  two  in  the  morning,  concealed  its  movements  from  the 
enemy,  who  were  so  near  that  the  sound  of  their  pickaxes  and 
shovels  was  heard.  In  about  half  an  hour  after,  the  fog 
cleared  away,  and  the  enemy  were  seen  taking  possession  of 
the  American  lines.  Gen.  Washington,  as  far  as  possible, 
inspected  everything.  From  the  commencement  of  the  action 
on  the  morning  of  the  27th,  until  the  troops  were  safely 
across  East  River,  he  never  closed  his  eyes,  and  was  almost 
constantly  in  the  saddle.  His  wisdom  and  vigilance,  with  the 
interposing  favor  of  Divine  Providence,  saved  the  army  from 

destruction. 

Holmes1  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  248. 
Gordon,  vol.  ii.,  p.  314. 

(14)  Thomas  Mifflin  was  born  in  Philadelphia  about  the 
year  1744,  of  parents  who  were  Quakers.  He  engaged  early 
in  opposition  to  the  measures  of  the  British  Parliament.  In 
1772  he  was  a  representative  of  Philadelphia  in  the  Colonial 
Assembly.  In  1774  he  was  a  member  of  the  First  Congress, 
and  in  August,  1775,  was  appointed  Quartermaster-General. 
He  was  with  Gen.  Washington  at  Cambridge,  and  in  the 
Spring  of  1776  was  commissioned  a  Brigadier-General  in  the 


38  NOTES. 

Continental  army.  He  was  made  Major-General  in  Feb.,  1777, 
and  he  continued  in  service  during  the  war.  In  1783  he  was 
a  representative  in  Congress,  and  in  the  autumn  of  that  year 
was  appointed  its  president.  In  1787  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Convention  which  formed  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  his  name  is  affixed  to  tbat  instrument.  In 
October,  1788,  he  succeeded  Dr.  Franklin  as  President  of  the 
Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  in  which  station 
he  continued  till  October,  1790.  He  was  elected  the  first 
governor  of  Pennsylvania,  under  the  provisions  of  the  new 
Constitution,  and  held  the  office  for  nine  years  consecutively. 
By  his  personal  exertions  he  greatly  assisted  in  quelling  the 
''  Whisky  Insurrection,"  in  1794.  Gen.  Mifflin  died  at  Lan- 
caster, Pa.,  Jan.  20,  1800,  at  the  age  of  56. 

(is)  Buttekmilk  Chanxel — the  name  given  to  the  stream 
of  water  between  the  Red  Hook  Point  and  Governor's  Island. 
There  is  a  strong  tradition  that  in  early  times  this  stream  was 
fordable,  but  that  this  was  not  the  case  is  clearly  disproved 
by  reference  to  B.  Ratzer's  Map  of  New  York  City,  made  in 
1766,  [see  Valentine's  Manual,  1854,  at  p.  320,]  on  which  a 
depth  was  given  at  that  time  to  the  channel  of  three  fathoms 
of  water. 

(]6)  The  action  at  Harlem  Plains  took  place  on  the  16th 
September,  1776,  and  was  a  very  spirited  affair,  reflecting  the 
highest  credit  on  the  part  of  the  Americans.  The  following 
account  of  the  action  is  given  by  one  who  was  an  eye  witness 
and  participator  in  the  contest : 

"The  next  day,  in  the  forenoon,  the  enemy,  as  we  expected, 
followed  us  'hard  up,'  and  were  advancing  through  a  level 


NOTES.  39 

tield ;  our  rangers  and  some  few  other  light  troops,  under  the 
command  of  Colonel  Knowlton,  of  Connecticut,  and  Major 
Leitch.  of  (I  believe)  Virginia,  were  in  waiting  for  them. 
Seeing  them  advancing,  the  rangers,  lire,  concealed  themselves 
in  a  deep  gully  overgrown  with  bushes ;  upon  the  western 
verge  of  this  defile  was  a  post  and  rail  fence,  and  over  that 
the  forementioned  field.  Our  people  let  the  enemy  advance 
until  they  arrived  at  the  fence,  when  they  arose  and  poured 
in  a  volley  upon  them.  How  many  of  the  enemy  were  killed 
and  wounded  could  not  be  known,  as  the  British  were  always 
as  careful  as  Indians  to  conceal  their  losses.  There  were, 
doubtless,  some  killed,  as  I  myself  counted  nineteen  ball-holes 
through  a  single  rail  of  the  fence  at  which  the  enemy  were 
standing  vhen  the  action  began.  The  British  gave  back  and 
our  people  advanced  into  the  field.  The  action  soon  became 
warm.  Colonel  Knowlton,  a  brave  man.  and  commander  of 
the  detachment,  fell  in  the  early  part  of  the  engagement.  It 
was  said  by  those  who  saw  it.  that  he  lost  his  valuable  life  by 
unadvisedly  exposing  himself  singly  to  the  enemy.  In  my 
boyhood  I  had  been  acquainted  with  him ;  he  was  a  brave 
man  and  an  excellent  citizen.  Major  Leitch  fell  soon  after. 
and  the  troops,  who  were  then  engaged,  were  left  with 
no  higher  commanders  than  their  Captains,  but  they  still 
kept  the  enemy  retreating. 

Our  regiment  was  now  ordered  into  the  field,  and  we 
arrived  on  the  ground  just  as  the  retreating  enemy  were 
entering  a  thick  wood,  a  circumstance  as  disagreeable  to  them 
as  it  was  agreeable  to  us  at  that  period  of  the  war.  We  soon 
came  to  action  with  them.  The  troops  engaged,  being  rein- 
forced by  our  regiment,  kept  them  still  retreating,  until  they 
found  shelter  under  the  cannon  of  some  of  their  shipping. 


40  NOTES. 

lying  in  the  North  river.     We  remained  on  the  battle-ground 

till  nearly  sunset,  expecting  the  enemy  to  attack  us  again,  but 

they  showed  no  such  inclination  that  day.     The  men  were 

very  much  fatigued  and  faint,  having  had  nothing  to  eat  for 

forty-eight   hours, — at   least   the   greater   part  were   in  this 

condition,  and  I  among  the  rest.     While  standing  on  the  field, 

after  the  action  had  ceased,  one  of  the  men  near  the  Lieut. 

Colonel  complained  of  being  hungry  ;  the  Colonel,  putting  his 

hand  into  his  coat  pocket,  took  out  a  piece  of  an  ear  of  Indian 

corn,  burnt  as  black   as  a  coal,   '  Here,'  said  he  to  the  man 

complaining,  '  eat  this  and  learn  to  be  a  soldier.'  " 

Martin's  Narrative,  p.  32. 
See  accounts  of  this  engagement  also  in 

Loosing' s  Field  Book,  vol.  ii.,  p.  818. 
Graydon's  3Iemoirs,  p.  19t). 
Holmes'  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  249. 

(i7)  The  "Moebis  House,"  which  is  still  standing,  is  located 
on  the  bank  of  the  Harlem  river,  at  what  is  now  169th-street, 
a  little  below  the  High  Bridge  of  the  Croton  Aqueduct.  It 
was  an  elegant  mansion,  and  was,  at  the  commencement  of 
the  Eevolution,  the  residence  of  Col.  Roger  Morris.  He, 
siding  with  the  King,  fled  to  the  residence  of  Beverly  Robin- 
son in  the  highlands,  and  his  house  became  the  headquarters 
of  Washington.  The  house  and  lands  adjoining,  after  the 
war,  became  the  property  of  Madame  Eliza  B.  Jumel,  subse- 
quently the  widow  of  Aaron  Burr.  Here  she  lived  main- 
years,  and  here  she  died.  Sunday  morning,  July  16.  1865. 
in  her  92d  year. 

(it.)  Major  Thomas  Henly  was  a  native  of  Charlestown. 
Mass.     lb-  was  the  Aid-de-camp  to  Gen.  Heath.     He  volun- 


NOTES.  41 

teered  to  join  the  party  under  Lieut.-Col.  Jackson,  who,  on 
the  22d  September,  1776,  with  240  men,  in  three  flat-boats, 
made  a  descent  on  Montresor's,  now  Randall's  Island,  of 
which  the  British  had  taken  possession.  The  troops  in  one 
boat  only,  effected  a  landing,  and  these  were  driven  back  with 
the  loss  of  fourteen  men  killed,  wounded  and  missing.  Ilenly 
behaved  with  great  courage,  but  was  shot  just  as  he  was 
entering  the  boat,  and  instantly  expired.  He  was  buried 
below  a  hill  where  a  redoubt  had  been  thrown  up  in  the 
road.  Here  Col.  Knowlton,  who  had  been  killed  at  the 
engagement  at  Harlem  Plains,  was  buried,  and  Major  Henly 
was  laid  by  his  side. 

(i»)  Spyt  den  Dyvel  Creek,  with  the  Harlem  river,  of 
which  it  is  a  part,  forms  Manhattan  Island,  on  which  the  city 
of  New  York  is  built.  It  is  about  thirteen  miles  above  New 
York,  and  flows  into  the  Hudson.  It  is  here  that  Irving- 
laid  the  death  of  Antony  Van  Corlaer,  the  trumpeter  of  the 
chivalrous  Governor  Stuy  vesant.  It  is  therefore  a  classic  spot 
to  the  lovers  of  mirth. 

(20)  Major-General  Alexander  M'Dougall  was  the  son 
of  a  Scotchman  who  sold  milk  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and 
the  son,  when  a  boy,  assisted  the  father  in  the  business.  The 
subject  of  our  sketch  took  an  early  stand  on  the  side  of  the 
colonists,  and  when  the  war  broke  out  he  joined  the  army. 
In  August,  1776,  he  was  appointed  a  Brigadier-General,  and 
in  the  month  of  October  of  the  year  following,  he  was  com- 
missioned as  Major-General.  He  commanded  the  Americans 
in  the  action  at  White  Plains  in  1776.  and  was  in  the  battle 
at   Germantown   in  the  autumn   of  1777.     In  1781   he   wa 


42  NOTES. 

elected  a  delegate  to  Congress,  and  subsequently  was  chosen 
a  member  of  the  New  York  State  Senate.  He  died  in  the 
month  of  June,  178t. . 

(21)  Chatterton  Hill  lies  on  the  northeast  corner  of  the 
town  of  Greenburgh,  in  Westchester  County.  The  Chatterton 
family,  from  whom  the  hill  derives  its  name,  have  been  long 
residents  of  Greenburgh.  A  member  of  this  family  was  settled 
on  the  hill  as  early  as  1731.  It  was  upon  this  hill  that  the 
chief  part  of  the  battle  of  White  Plains  was  fought. 

(22)  The  battle  of  White  Plains  was  fought  on  the  28th 

October,  1776.     The   Americans  were  commanded  by  Gen. 

McDougall,  and  the  British  by  Gen.  Leslie.     The  action  was 

but  partial,  and  was  undecided.     The  loss  on  both  sides  was 

about  equal.     Among  the  persons  wounded  on  the  side  of  the 

British,    was    Lieutenant-Col.    Musgrave,    commanding    the 

light  infantry ;  among  the  killed  was  Lieutenant-Col.  Cars,  of 

the  35th,  and  Capt.  Evelyn,  of  the  4th  regiment.     Among  the 

wounded  on  the  side  of  the  Americans,  was  Col.  Smallwood. 

"While  the  engagement  was  going  on,"  says  Ramsay,  "the 

baggage  of  the  Americans  was  moved  off  in  full  view  of  the 

British  army.    Soon  after  this,  Washington  changed  his  front; 

his  left  wing  stood  fast,  and  his  right  fell  back  to  some  hills. 

In  this  position,  which  was  an  admirable  one  in  a  military 

point  of  view,  he  both  desired  and  expected  an  action ;  but 

Gen.   Howe   declined   it,    and   drew  off  his   forces  towards 

Dobb's  Ferry.     The  Americans  afterwards  retired  to  North 

Castle.'' 

Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.,  vol.  i.,  p.  314. 


N<  >TES.  43 

The  following'  account  i?  given  by  on3  who  participated  in  the 
engagement  : 

"  When  we  arrived  at  the  camp,  the  troops  were  all 
parading.  Upon  inquiry,  we  found  that  the  British  were 
advancing  upon  us.  We  flung  our  turnip  plunder  into  the 
tent— packed  up  our  things,  which  was  easily  done,  for  we 
had  hut  a  trifle  to  pack,  and  fell  into  the  ranks.  Before  we 
were  ready  to  march,  the  battle  had  begun.  Our  regiment 
then  marched  off,  crossed  a  considerable  stream  of  water 
which  crosses  the  plain,  and  formed  behind  a  stone  wall  in 
company  with  several  other  regiments,  and  waited  the 
approach  of  the  enemy.  They  were  not  far  distant :  at  least, 
that  part  of  them  with  which  we  were  quickly  after  engaged. 
They  were  constructing  a  sort  of  bridge  to  convey  their 
artillery,  &c,  across  the  before  mentioned  stream.  They 
however  soon  made  their  appearance  in  our  neighbourhood. 
There  was  in  our  front,  about  ten  rods  distant,  an  orchard  oi 
apple  trees.  The  ground  on  which  the  orchard  stood  was 
lower  than  the  ground  that  we  occupied,  but  was  level  from 
our  post  to  the  verge  of  the  orchard,  when  it  fell  off  so 
abruptly  that  we  could  not  see  the  lower  parts  of  the  trees. 
A  party  of  Hessian  troops,  and  some  English,  soon  took  pos- 
session of  this  ground ;  they  would  advance  so  far  as  just  to 
show  themselves  above  the  rising  ground,  fire,  and  fall  back, 
and  reload  their  muskets.  Our  chance  upon  them  was.  as 
soon  as  they  showed  themselves  above  the  level  ground,  or 
when  they  fired,  to  aim  at  the  flashes  of  their  guns — their 
position  was  as  advantageous  to  them  as  a  breast  work.  We 
were  eDgaged  in  this  manner  for  some  time,  when  finding 
ourselves  flanked  and  in  danger  of  being  surrounded,  we  were 
compelled  to  make  a  hasty  retreat  from  the  stone  wall.     We 


44  NOTES. 

lost  comparatively  speaking,  very  few  at  the  fence  ;  but  when 
forced  to  retreat,  we  lost,  in  killed  and  wounded,  a  con- 
siderable number.  One  man  who  belonged  to  our  company, 
when  we  marched  from  the  parade,  said,  'Now,  T  am  going 
out  to  the  field  to  be  killed ;'  and  he  said  more  than  once 
afterwards,  that  he  should  be  killed ;  and  he  was — he  was 
shut  dead  on  the  field.  I  never  saw  a  man  so  prepossessed 
with  the  idea  of  any  mishap  as  he  was.  We  fell  back  a  little 
distance  and  made  a  stand ;  detached  parties  engaging  in 
almost  every  direction.  "We  did  not  come  in  contact  with  the 
enemy  again  that  day,  and  just  at  night  we  fell  back  to  our 
encampment.  In  the  course  of  the  afternoon  the  British  took 
possession  of  a  hill  on  the  right  of  our  encampment,  which 
had  in  the  early  part  of  the  day  been  occupied  by  some  of  the 
New  York  troops.  This  hill  overlooked  the  one  upon  which 
we  were,  and  was  not  more  than  half  or  three-fourths  of  a 
mile  distant.  The  enemy  had  several  pieces  of  field  artillery 
upon  this  hill,  and,  as  might  be  expected,  entertained  us  with 
their  music  all  the  evening.  "We  entrenched  ourselves  where 
we  now  lay,  expecting  another  attack.  But  the  British  were 
very  civil,  and  indeed  they  generally  were,  after  they  had 
received  a  check  from  Brother  Jonathan,  for  any  of  their  rude 
actions;  they  seldom  repeated  them,  at  least,  not  till  the  affair 
that  caused  the  reprimand,  had  ceased  in  some  measure  to 
be  remembered."  Martins  Narrative,  p.  40-41. 

See  also  accounts  of  the  battle  in 

Gordon's  Am.  War,  vol.  ii.,  p.  339-343. 

Holmes'  Am.  Annals,  vol.  ii..  p.  250. 

Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,  Nov.  14,  177t>. 

(23)  Fort  Washington  was  situated  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Hudson,  about  ten  miles  from  the  city  of  Xew  York,  and  its 


NOTES.  45 

remains  are  still  to  be  seen.  The  fort  consisted  of  a  strong 
earth-work,  covering  with  its  reveling,  several  acres,  and 
mounting  twenty  heavy  guns,  besides  sundry  smaller  pieces, 
and  mortars.  On  the  promontory  beneath  it  (Jeffrey's  Hook), 
where  the  telegraph  mast  now  stands,  was  a  redoubt,  intended 
to  act  as  a  covering  defence  to  chevaux-de-frise,  which  there 
crossed  the  channel  to  Fort  Lee,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the 
river.  A  short  distance  northward  of  Fort  "Washington, 
between  195th  and  198th-streets,  is  the  site  of  a  small  redoubt 
of  two  guns,  taken  by  the  British  on  the  morning  of  the 
capture  of  Fort  Washington,  and  afterwards  strengthened  by 
them,  and  named  Fort  Tryon.  Still  further  north,  about  two 
miles  above  Fort  Washington,  at  217th-street,  stood  another 
two-gun  redoubt,  called  Cock  Hill  Fort,  which  was  taken  by 
the  British  at  the  same  time. 

(24)  Fort  Lee  was  situated  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson, 
about  ten  miles  above  the  city  of  Xew  York,  and  nearly 
opposite  Fort  Washington.  The  site  of  the  old  fort  was  upon 
the  bluff  above,  where  commences  the  Pallisade  range.  The 
fort  was  hastily  evacuated  by  its  garrison  after  the  fall  of 
Fort  Washington,  and  most  of  its  artillery,  a  considerable 
part  of  the  tents  and  baggage,  and  some  hundred  barrels  of 
flour,  were  taken,  besides  six  officers  and  staff,  and  some 
ninety-nine  privates. 

(as)  When  the  American  army  retreated  to  White  Plains,  it 
was  decided  to  leave  a  large  garrison  in  Fort  "Washington,  in 
order  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  ascending  the  Hudson 
River.  This  fort  was  on  a  high  piece  of  ground,  very  difficult 
of  ascent,  especially  towards  the  north.     The  fortifications, 


46  NOTES. 

though  not  sufficient  to  resist  heavy  artillery,  were  believed 
to  be  in  a  condition  which  would  prevent  any  attempt  to  carry 
them  by  storm.  The  garrison  consisted  of  some  of  the  best 
troops  in  the  American  army,  and  the  commander,  Col. 
Magaw,  was  a  brave  and  intelligent  officer,  in  whose  courage 
and  skill  great  confidence  was  placed.  The  attack  on  the  fort 
was  made  on  the  16th  November,  1776.  Four  divisions  of  the 
enemy,  led  by  their  principal  officers,  attacked  it  in  four 
different  quarters.  The  garrison,  and  particularly  the  rifle- 
men, under  Col.  Eawlings,  behaved  bravely.  The  Hessians 
were  several  times  driven  back  with  great  loss ;  but  these 
combined  and  vigorous  attacks  were  at  length  successful. 
The  ammunition  in  the  fort  being  nearly  exhausted,  and  all 
the  outposts  driven  in,  the  commander,  on  being  a  second 
time  summoned,  agreed  to  capitulate  on  honorable  terms. 
After  the  surrender,  the  garrison,  numbering  about  2,000 
men,  were  crammed  the  first  night  for  safe-keeping  into  a 
barn  on  the  Morris  farm,  then  the  British  Head-quarters. 
The  night  was  warm  and  the  feted  air  engendered  from  so 
many  breathing  lungs,  became  positively  insupportable. 
There  was  a  constant  cry  for  water,  which  was  not  with- 
held ;  but  the  pressure  prevented  many  from  reaching  it,  and 
they  had  to  endure  the  most  agonizing  thirst  the  whole  night. 
Oapt.  Graydon,  of  the  Pennsylvania  line,  who  was  one  of  the 
prisoners,  informs  us  in  his  memoirs,  "  that  he  could  liken  the 
scene  to  none  other  than  the  'Black  Hole  of  Calcutta.'  "  To 
add  to  their  distress,  they  had  to  endure  the  jeers  and  taunts 
of  their  enemies,  without  the  power  of  resentment.  The  next 
day  the  prisoners  were  marched  to  the  city  of  New  York, 
where  they  were  thrown  into  prisons  and  prison-ships,  and  in 
those  miserable,  loathsome  dungeons,  a  large  portion  of  them 


NOTES. 


47 


died  from  hanger  and  disease.  Gen.  Washington  was  situated 
where  lie  could  view  several  parts  of  the  attack,  and  he 
exclaimed  at  the  barbarities  practiced  by  the  British.  It  is 
said  that  when  he  beheld  his  men  bayoneted,  and  in  that  way 
killed,  while  begging  for  quarter,  he  could  not  refrain  from 
tears.  The  loss  of  Fort  Washington  was  the  severest  blow 
the  Americans  had  then  felt,  and  spread  a  deep  gloom  for  a 
while  over  the  American  cause. 

Graydon's  Memoirs,  p.  197-210. 

Ramsay's  Am.  Rev.,  vol.  i..  p.  395. 

Gordon's  Am.  War.  vol.  ii..  p.  349. 

Holmes'  Am.  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  250. 

New  Hampshire  Gazette,  Dec.  10.  177G. 

(as)  Rebecca  Morgan  was  the  daughter  of  John  Morgan,  of 
Huntington,  L.  I.,  who  was  by  occupation  a  farmer.  She  was 
born  in  Huntington  on  the  7th  day  of  June,  1758.  She  was 
married  to  Major  Leggett,  at  North  Salem,  Westchester 
County.  X.  Y.,  on  the  29th  May,  1777.  She  died  June  12th, 
1780.     She  left  two  daughters,  viz. : 

1.  Betsey,   born  April  1,  1778;   married  to  Capt.  James 

Breath,  October  16,  1800;  died,  Feb.  12,  1859. 

2.  Rebecca,    still   living,    born   June   10,    1780 ;     married 

Ovid  Goldsmith,  May  12,  1827.  Mr.  Goldsmith  was 
captain  of  a  vessel,  and  went  whaling.  He  subsequently 
left  the  sea,  and  became  an  inspector  of  lime  in  Athens, 
Greene  County,  X.  Y.  He  died  of  cholera,  on  the  18th 
August,  1832.     They  had  no  children. 

(27j  Lieutexaxt-Gexeral  William  Tktos  was  bred  to  the 
profession  of  arms.  He  became  Lieutenant  and  Captain  of 
the  1st  Regiment  of  Foot  Guards,  October  15    1751,  and  on 


48  NOTES. 

the  30th  September,  1758,  was  raised  to  a  Captaincy,  and  to 
be  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  Guards.  In  1764  he  was 
appointed  Lieutenant-Governor  of  North  Carolina,  where  he 
arrived  October  27th,  and  on  the  death  of  Governor  Dobbs 
in  1765,  he  succeeded  him  in  command  of  that  colony.  He 
continued  to  administer  the  government  there  until  July,  1771. 
when  he  was  made  Governor  of  New  York.  He  was  pro- 
moted to  a  Colonelcy  in  the  army,  May  25,  1772  ;  became 
3d  Major  of  the  Guards,  June  8,  1775  ;  Major-General,  Aiigust 
29,  1777;  and  Colonel  of  the  7th  Regiment,  May  25,  1778. 
His  career  in  America  was  as  notorious  as  it  was  odious. 
On  the  21st  March,  1780,  he  resigned  the  government  of  New 
York,  and  was  succeeded  by  Gen.  Robertson.  Gen.  Tyron 
returned  to  England,  and  on  the  20th  November,  1782,  was 
appointed  Lieutenant-General,  and  on  the  16th  August,  1783, 
Colonel  of  the  29th  Foot.  He  died  at  his  house,  in  Upper 
Grosvenor-street,  London,  on  the  27th  January,  1788,  and  his 
remains  were  deposited  in  the  family  vault  at  Twickenham, 
England. 

(a8)  The  burning  of  Danbury,  Connecticut,  took  place  on  the 
26th  April,  1777.  The  British  force  amounted  to  about 
2,000  men,  and  was  under  the  command  of  Major-General 
Tryon.  "  He  embarked  at  New  York,  and  passing  through 
Long  Island  Sound,  landed  at  Compo,  between  Fairfield  and 
Norwalk,  whence  he  advanced  through  the  country,  almost 
undisturbed,  to  Danbury.  On  his  approach,  Col.  Huntington, 
who  had  occupied  the  town  with  100  militia  and  continental 
troops,  retired  to  a  neighboring  height,  where  he  waited  for 
reentorcements.  The  British  destroyed  18  houses,  800  barrels 
of  pork  and  beef,  800  barrels  of  flour,  2,000  bushels  of  grain, 


NOTES.  49 

and  1,700  tents.  Generals  Wooster,  Arnold  and  Silliman, 
hastily  collecting  several  hundred  of  the  inhabitants,  pro- 
ceeded that  night  through  a  heavy  rain  to  Bethel,  about  eight 
miles  from  Danbury.  The  next  morning  they  divided  their 
troops,  and  General  "Wooster,  with  about  300  men,  fell  in  their 
rear,  while  Arnold,  with  about  500,  by  a  rapid  movement, 
took  post  in  their  front  at  Ridgefield.  Wooster  coining  up 
with  them  about  eleven  in  the  morning  of  the  27th,  attacked 
them  with  great  gallantly.  A  sharp  skirmish  ensued,  in 
which  he  was  mortally  wounded,  and  his  troops  were  com- 
pelled to  give  way.  The  enemy  proceeded  to  Ridgefield, 
where  Arnold,  who  had  barricaded  the  road,  warmly  disputed 
the  passage ;  but  after  a  skirmish  of  nearly  an  hour,  being 
compelled  to  give  way,  he  retreated  to  Saugatuck,  about  three 
miles  east  of  Xorwalk.  The  royalists,  having  remained  that 
night  at  Ridgefield,  set  fire  to  the  place,  and  early  next  morn- 
ing resumed  their  march.  Arnold  met  them  again  about 
eleven,  and  a  continued  skirmishing  was  kept  up  until  five  in 
the  afternoon,  when,  on  their  making  a  stand  at  a  hill  near 
their  ships,  the  Americans  charged  them  with  intrepidity,  but 
were  repulsed  and  broken.  The  enemy  immediately  re- 
embarked  for  Xew  York.  Their  killed,  wounded  and  missing 
amounted  to  about  170;  the  loss  of  the  Americans  was  not 
admitted  to  exceed  100."  This  predatory  excursion  was 
shortly  after  retaliated  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Return  J.  Meigs, 
in  the  surprise  of  Sag  Harbour,  and  the  destruction  of  a  large 
amount  of  property  at  that  place. 

Holmes'  American  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  263. 

Another  writer,   in   alluding  to   the    destruction   of  property,  etc.. 
by  the  British  at  Danbury,  says : 

"  We  had   an  ample  opportunity  to   see   the   devastation 


50  NOTES. 

caused  there  by  the  British.     The  towu  had   been  laid  in 

ashes,  a  number  of  the  inhabitants  murdered  and  cast  into 

their  burning  houses,  because  they  presumed  to  defend  their 

persons  and  property,  or  to  be  avenged  on  a  cruel,  vindictive, 

invading  enemy.     I  saw  the  inhabitants,  after  the  fire  was  out, 

endeavouring  to  find  the  burnt  bones  of  their  relatives  amongst 

the  rubbish  of  their  demolished  houses.     The  streets,  in  many 

places,  were  literally  flooded  by  the  fat  which  ran  from  the 

piles  of  barrels  of  pork  burnt  by  the  enemy." 

Martin's  Narrative,  p.  4(i. 
See  also 

Connecticut  Journal,  April  30,  1777. 
Pennsylvania  Journal,  May  14,  1777. 
Gaine,  May  12  and  19.  1777 
Pennsylvania  Gazette,  May  14,  1777. 
Pennsylvania  Eve.  Post,  May  22,  1777. 

(29)  Foht  Montgomery  was  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson 
River,  opposite  St.  Anthony's  Nose.  The  fort  was  constructed 
pursuant  to  a  resolution  of  Congress  of  August  18,  1775,  and 
was  intended  for  defence  of  the  river.  Huge  booms  and  a 
powerful  iron  chain  were  constructed,  and  stretched  across 
the  river  from  this  point.  This  chain  was  about  1,800  feet 
long,  and  was  composed  of  links  a  little  over  two  feet  in 
length,  weighing  each  140  pounds,  and  was  fixed  to  huge 
blocks  on  each  shore  and  under  the  cover  of  batteries  on  both 
sides  of  the  river.  It  was  manufactured  by  Peter  Townsend, 
of  Chester,  and  several  links  of  it  are  still  preserved,  and  are 
to  be  seen  at  the  Head-quarters  at  Newburgh.  The  fortifica- 
tions and  obstructions  were  all  made  under  the  direction  of 
Capt.  Thomas  Machin,  a  gallant  officer  of  the  Revolution,  and 
an  engineer  of  rare  skill  and  genius. 


N0TK8.  51 

(30)  Yerplaxck's  Point  derives  its  name  from  Philip  Ver- 
planck,  who  married  the  only  granddaughter  and  heire--  of 
Stephen  Van  Cortlandt,  "who  purchased  the  land  from  the 
Indians.  Previous  to  this  it  had  borne  the  name  of  Meahagh. 
The  point  rises  gradually  from  the  river's  brink,  and  ter- 
minates in  a  bold  bluff  of  forty  or  fifty  feet  in  height.  This 
was  the  spot  where  Hendrick  Hudson  first  brought  his  ship. 
the  Half  Moon,  to  anchor,  after  leaving  the  mouth  of  the 
Hudson  River.  A  small  fortification  once  existed  on  the 
western  extremity  of  the  point,  and  was  called  Fort  Lafayette. 
Verplanck's  Point  was  at  one  time  the  head-quarters  of 
Gen.  Washington. 

(31)  Fort  Cltxtox  stood  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson, 
and  nearly  adjoining  Fort  Montgomery,  the  two  forts  being 
separated  by  a  creek,  over  which  a  bridge  had  been  erected. 
Fort  Clinton  was  erected  pursuant  to  a  resolution  of  Congress 
of  August  18,  1775,  and  was  intended  to  defend  the  river 
against  the  approach  of  any  hostile  naval  force.  It  stood 
upon  an  eminence,  and  was  the  principal  fort  in  the  Highlands. 

(32)  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton  were  considered  the 
main  defences  of  the  highlands,  and  were  placed  under  the 
command  of  Governor  Clinton,  and  garrisoned  with  the  best 
troops.  Collateral  efforts  were  made  to  render  the  river 
impassable  to  the  enemy's  ships.  Chevaux-de-frize  were  sunk, 
a  boom  was  extended  from  shore  to  shore,  and  armed  vessels 
were  stationed  in  positions  where  they  could  act  with  the 
most  powerful  effect.  These  precautions,  added  to  the  natural 
strength  of  the  forts,  determined  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  con- 
sidered their  subjugation  indispensable  to  the  success  of  his 


~>*2  NOTES. 

further  designs,  to  employ  stratagem,  in  preference  to  an  open 
and  unequivocal  demonstration  to  possess  himself  of  holds 
which  required  little  more  than  vigilance  to  render  them 
unconquerable.  By  a  succession  of  deceptive  movements, 
therefore,  he  impressed  General  Putnam,  who  commanded 
that  district,  with  a  belief  that  his  object  was  Fort  Inde- 
pendence, which  was  situated  four  or  five  miles  below  Fort 
Montgomery,  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  Having 
drawn  the  attention  of  Gen.  Putnam  to  Fort  Independence, 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  debarked  the  troops  intended  for  the  attack 
on  the  west  side  of  Stony  Point,  and  marching  them  into  the 
rear  of  Fort  Montgomery,  commenced  the  assault.  Alarmed 
by  the  noise  of  the  firing,  Gen.  Putnam  discovered  his  error, 
and  detached  a  reinforcement  of  five  hundred  men  to  the 
garrisons  which  were  in  such  imminent  peril ;  but,  before 
their  arrival,  Fort  Montgomery  was  in  the  possession  of  the 
British  troops.  Governor  Clinton  adopted  every  means  which 
skill  could  devise,  or  valor  execute,  to  save  the  posts  intrusted 
to  his  charge  ;  and,  in  consequence  of  the  extensiveness  of  his 
lines,  he  was  compelled  to  leave  them  but  imperfectly  manned 
at  many  points.  He  defended  them  with  effect,  until  darkness 
came  on,  when  the  enemy  succeeded  in  making  an  entrance. 
The  loss  of  the  garrison  was  stated  at  250  men,  and  that  of  the 
British  was  said  to  be  greater.  After  the  fall  of  Forts  Mont- 
gomery and  Clinton,  Gen.  Putnam  retired  to  Fishkill,  and 
waited  for  such  reinforcements  as  might  enable  him  to  resume 
offensive  operations,  while  the  British  general  (Vaughan) 
proceeded  up  the  river,  and  destroyed  Continental  Village' 
and  Esopus.  On  the  surrender  of  Gen.  Burgoyne,  however, 
he  made  a  retrograde  movement,  and,  after  reducing  Forts 
Montgomery  and  Clinton  to  ashes,  returned  to  New  York. 


NOTES.  53 

The  following  articles  in  regard  to  this  subject,  we  find  published  in 
the  papers  of  the  day  : 

"  I  have  now  the  pleasure  to  felicitate  you  on  our  taking 
the  forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton  by  storm.  It  was  effected 
last  night  [Oct.  6].  The  garrisons  in  both  places  consisted  of 
twelve  hundred  rebels.  Of  our  detachment,  we  lost  Mungo 
Campbell,  Lieutenant  Colonel  of  the  52d,  and  Major  Sill  of  the 
63d.  Major  Grant,  of  the  Xew  York  Volunteers,  was  killed  a 
little  before  the  attack,  which  was  commanded  by  Colonel 
Mungo  Campbell.  My  old  acquaintance,  George  Turnbull. 
late  captain  in  the  Royal  American  Regiment,  was  ordered  to 
take  the  command  of  Grant's  corps.  He  has  acquired  great 
honor,  being  the  first  that  entered  Fort  Montgomery,  after 
losing  one  officer  and  eight  privates.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who 
himself  narrowly  escaped  the  enemy's  grape-shot,  in  con- 
sideration of  his  very  gallant  behavior,  has  appointed  him 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Commandant  of  the  New  York  Volun- 
teers, in  room  of  the  brave  Major  Grant.  The  gallant 
Count  Gabrouski.  lately  arrived  from  England,  has  died  of  his 
wounds.  Amongst  the  prisoners  is  Colonel  William  Allison, 
of  the  Drowned  Lands,  whose  son  was  killed  in  the  fort. 
This  person  is  a  member  of  the  provincial  congress  for  the 
State  (as  it  is  termed)  of  Xew  York.  Also  young  William 
Livingston,  late  of  Xew  York,  in  the  profession  of  the  law. 
A  great  part  of  the  twelve  hundred  rebels,  who  garrisoned 
the  forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton,  or  were  not  killed  or 
prisoners,  made  their  escape,  as  it  was  very  dark  when  the 
forts  were  taken.  The  forbearance  and  humanity  shown  by 
all  the  troops  to  the  rebels  after  they  became  their  con- 
querors, was  astonishing  ;  and  savored  of  that  benign  temper 
which  ever  characterizes  the  army  of  Great  Britain." 

Gaine.  Oct.  11.  1777. 


.">4  NOTES. 

"  New  York,  November  3. 

Saturday,  sen'  night  the  Bridge  laid  over 
the  Clove,  between  the  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton,  was 
destroyed ;  and  the  Troops,  after  demolishing  the  latter, 
embarked  on    board   the  Transports,   and    arrived    here   the 

next  evening."' 

Gaine,  Monday,  November  3,  1777. 
See  also 

Neio  York  Jouimal,  May  11,  1778. 

Ruttenber's  Obstructions  on  the  Hudson  River,  p.  64. 

Gordon's  American  War,  vol.  ii.,  p.  555. 

Holmes'  American  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  276. 

Simms'  Hist.  Schoharie  Co.,  p.  550. 

Eager'' s  Orange  Co.,  pp.  571-579  and  594-6. 

Sparks'  Washington,  vol.  v..  pp.  471-476. 

(33)  The  following  advertisement  we  take  from  one  of  the  news- 
papers of  the  period  : 

•'  Public  Auction — 

At  the  Coffee  House  on  Wednesday,  will  be  sold 
the  personal  effects  of  the  late  Col.  Campbell. 

On  Thursday,  at  11  o'Clock  at  the  regimental  store  in 
Queen-street,  near  Beekman-slip,  the  regimental  effects  of  the 
late  Lieut.  Col.  Campbell. 

All  persons  who  have  any  regimental  demands  on  the  effects 
of  the  late  Lieut.  Col.  Campbell,  of  the  52d  regt.  are  desired 
forthwith  to  deliver  an  account  of  the  same  to  the  quarter 
master  of  said  regt.  that  they  may  be  satisfied." 

Gaine,  Monday.  November  17,  1777. 

(34)  Ai.sop  Hunt  and  James  Hunt  were  leather  dressers 
and  glove  and  breeches  manufacturers  in  the  city  of  New 
York.     Thev  carried  on  the  business  under  the  firm-name  of 


NOTES.  DO 

Alsop  &  James  Hunt.  In  1789  and  1790  they  were  located  at 
No.  212  Queen,  now  Pearl-street,  and  in  1791  were  at  No.  54 
Water-street.  They  seem  to  have  dissolved  in  the  course  of 
this  year,  as  we  find  Alsop  in  the  year  following  carrying  on 
the  business  alone,  at  No.  212  Queen-street.  James  and  his 
wife  died  of  the  yellow  fever  about  the  year  1798.  Alsop 
moved  to  New  Jersey,  where  he  died  some  years  later. 

(ss)  Major-General  Israel  Putnam  was  the  son  of  Capt. 
Joseph  Putnam,  and  was  born  in  Salem,  Mass.,  on  the  7th  day 
of  January,  1718.  His  boyhood  was  passed  in  the  labors  of  a 
farm  and  in  athletic  exercises,  in  the  latter  of  which  he  seems 
to  have  excelled.  His  biographer,  Mr.  Cutter,  informs  us  that 
he  was  also  remarkably  successful  in  climbing  trees,  robbing 
nests,  and  causing  sorrow  to  small  birds.  In  1739,  being  then 
in  his  21st  year,  Putnam  moved  to  Pomfret,  Conn.,  where  he 
subsequently  pursued  the  avocation  of  a  farmer.  It  is  here 
that  he  is  said  to  have  been  engaged  in  the  conflict  with  a 
famous  she  wolf,  and  it  is  to  this  day  an  unsettled  point  which 
acquired  from  the  contest  the  greatest  celebrity,  Putnam  or 
the  wolf.  His  next  service  was  in  the  old  French  war,  in 
which  he  commanded  a  company  of  Provincials,  and  where  he 
did  some  duty  as  a  scout ;  but  he  seems  to  have  been  mostly 
distinguished  at  this  period  for  his  remarkable  escapes  from 
death,  first  by  the  bullet,  then  by  the  tomahawk,  and  lastly  at 
the  stake.  By  the  kindly  interposition  of  Col.  Schuyler,  who 
represented  him  to  be  " a  useless  old  man"  Putnam  was  at 
length  released  from  imprisonment,  and  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  war,  returned  to  his  farm.  Soon  after  the  battle  of  Lex- 
ington, Putnam  obtained  command  of  a  regiment  of  Connec- 
ticut troops,  and  in  a  short  time  after,  by  some  cute  manage- 


50  NOTES. 

ment  or  unaccountable  good  fortune,  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  a  Major-General.  We  next  hear  of  him  at  the  battle 
of  Bunker's  Hill,  not  as  one  of  the  gallant  combatants,  but  as 
a  spectator  of  that  eventful  conflict,  and  the  only  service  he 
appears  to  have  rendered  on  that  occasion,  was  in  keeping 
watch  over  a  lot  of  spades,  pick- axes,  and  other  intrenching 
tools.  At  the  battle  of  Brooklyn  in  1770>,  he  appears  as 
Commander-in-Chief  of  the  American  forces,  and  here,  by 
his  neglect  to  guard  the  main  passes,  he  allowed  the  enemy  to 
gain  his  rear,  and  the  result  was  the  complete  defeat  of  the 
Continental  army,  the  loss  of  some  3,000  men  killed,  wounded 
and  captured,  and  the  subsequent  occupation  of  New  York  by 
the  enemy.  After  this,  Putnam  was  placed  in  command  at  the 
Highlands,  and  here,  instead  of  profiting  by  his  experience  at 
Long  Island,  he  repeated  the  mistake  he  made  there,  and  by 
his  neglect,  lost  those  important  posts,  Forts  Montgomery  and 
Clinton,  with  some  2,000  of  the  best  troops  in  the  army.  In 
consequence  of  Putnam's  incapacity,  which  now  became  too 
evident  to  be  longer  concealed,  he  was  at  length  relieved  of 
command,  and  ordered  to  Connecticut  on  recruiting  service,  a 
position  much  better  suited  to  his  abilities.  Putnam's  last 
command  was  at  West  Point,  where  he  did  not  long  continue, 
for  he  was  soon  after  seized  with  a  paralytic  affection,  which 
disqualified  him  for  further  duty.  He  took  up  his  residence  at 
Brooklyn,  Conn.,  where  he  died  on  the  29th  day  of  May,  1790, 
when  about  72  years  of  age.  Gen.  Putnam  was  a  man  of 
strong  frame  and  robust  constitution.  He  was  quick  in  his 
temper,  rough  in  his  manner,  and  though  lamentably  ignorant, 
very  conceited  and  headstrong.  Though  fitted  very  well  for 
a  farmer,  a  hunter,  or  for  some  subordinate  partisan  duty,  yet 
he  seems  to  have  wanted  that  coolness,  sagacity,  and  power 


NOTKS.  57 

of  combination  so  essential  in  a  commanding  officer,  and  so 
imperatively  required  in  a  commander-in-chief.  It  is  not  sur- 
prising, therefore,  that  in  that  capacity,  he  should  have  acted 
only  to  ensure  defeat  and  disgrace. 

(ae)  Our  author  is  not  the  only  one  who  has  blamed 
Gen.  Putnam  for  the  loss  of  Forts  Montgomery  and  Clinton, 
and  charged  him  with  incapacity.  It  was  a  common  report 
among  those  who  were  engaged  in  the  defence  of  those  forts, 
as  well  as  among  those  who  resided  in  the  vicinity  of  them, 
that  instead  of  attending  to  his  duties  as  he  should  have  done, 
he  was  intently  engaged  in  a  game  of  chess  with  a  beautiful 
lady  (said  to  be  a  daughter  of  Beverly  Eobinson,  a  noted  tory), 
and  that  when  warned  of  the  threatened  danger,  he  absolutely 
refused  to  leave  the  game,  and  did  not  do  so  until  all  hope  of 
saving  those  posts  had  fled. 

The  following  extracts,  which  we  take  from  a  work 
entitled  "  The  Lives  of  Thomas,  Knowlton,  Scammel  and 
Dearborn,  by  Charles  Coffin,"  published  in  Xew  York  in 
1845  [see  pages  210-212],  will  show  the  opinion  entertained 
of  Gen.  Putnam  by  some  of  the  worthies  of  the  Revolution 
who  had  the  best  opportunities  of  judging  of  his  character  : 

••John  Adams,  in  a  letter  to  his  wife,  dated  Baltimore,  Feb.  21,  1777, 
says : 

"  I  sincerely  wish  we  could  hear  more  from  General  Heath. 
Many  persons  are  extremely  dissatisfied  with  numbers  of  the 
general  officers  of  the  highest  rank.  I  don't  mean  the 
Commander-in-Chief — his  character  is  justly  very  high — but 
Putnam,  Spencer,  and  Heath,  are  thought  by  very  few  to  be 
capable  of  the  high  commands  they  hold.  We  hear  of  none  of 
their  heroic  deeds  in  arms.     I  wish  they  would  all  resign.'''' 


58  NOTES. 

About  the  same  time,  Robert  R.  Livingston,  then  chancellor  of  New 
York,  in  a  letter  to  Washington,  uses  the  following  plain  language  : 

"  Your  Excellency  is  not  ignorant  of  the  extent  of  Gen. 
Putnam's  capacity  and  diligence ;  and  how  well  soever  they 
may  quality  him  for  this  important  command  [the  Highlands], 
the  prejudices  to  which  his  imprudent  levity  to  the  disaffected, 
and  too  great  intercourse  with  the  enemy,  have  given  rise, 
have  greatly  injured  his  influence.  How  far  the  loss  of  Fort 
Montgomery  and  the  subsequent  ravages  of  the  enemy  are  to 
be  attributed  to  him,  1  will  not  venture  to  say,  as  this  will 
necessarily  be  determined  by  a  Court  of  Inquiry,  whose 
determination  I  would  not  anticipate.  Unfortunately  for  him, 
the  current  of  popular  opinion  in  this  and  the  neighboring 
States,  and  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  in  the  troops  under  his  com- 
mand, runs  strongly  against  him.  For  my  own  part,  / 
sincerely  lament  that  his  patriotism  will  not  suffer  him  to 
take  that  repose  to  which  his  age  and  past  services  justly 
entitle  him." 

Governor  Clinton  also  wrote  pressingly  to  Washington  requesting  the 
removal  of  Putnam  from  the  command  in  the  Highlands. 

In  1777,  Congress  appointed  Governor  Clinton  a  general  officer  in 
the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  gave  him  the  command  on  the 
North  River,  because,  as  President  Hancock,  in  a  letter  to  Clinton. 
says — '•  an  active  and  vigilant  officer  teas  required  at  that  post."  But 
Clinton's  business  as  governor  was  so  pressing,  that  he  was  compelled 
to  decline  the  appointment,  which  continued  Putnam  in  the  command 
till  March,  1778.  In  the  latter  part  of  1777,  after  the  surrender  of  Bur- 
goyne's  army,  Washington  was  so  desirous  to  be  reinforced,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Philadelphia,  by  troops  on  the  Hudson,  under  Gates  and 
Putnam,  that  he  sent  Hamilton,  his  aid,  to  hasten  their  march,  for  his 
letters  to  them  had  not  had  the  desired  effect.  Hamilton  did  not  find 
either  of  those  Generals  disposed  to  comply  with  Washington's  orders. 


NOTES.  59 

given  through  him.     He  addressed  many  letters  to  Washington  on  this 
subject,  and  in  one,  dated  November  12,  1777,  he  says  : 

'•  By  a  letter  of  yesterday,  Gen.  Poor  informs  me  he  would 
certainly  march  this  morning.  I  must  do  him  the  justice  to 
say,  he  appears  solicitous  to  join  you,  and  that  I  believe  the 
past  delay  is  not  owing  to  any  fault  of  his,  but  is  wholly 
chargeable  to  Gen.  Putnam.  Indeed,  Sir,  I  owe  it  to  the 
service  to  say,  that  every  part  of  this  gentleman'' s  conduct  is 
marked  with  blunders  and  negligence  and  gives  general 
disgust." 

Again  Hamilton  say-  : 

"  I  doubt  whether  he  tcill  attend,  to  anything  I  shall  say. 
notwithstanding  it  comes  in  the  shape  of  a  positive  order.''' 

Col.  Hamilton  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  a  letter  from  Wash- 
ington, of  November  15,  1777.  in  which  the  Commander-in-Chief  says  : 

"  Dear  Sir, — I  have  duly  received  your  several  favors  from 
the  time  you  left  me  to  that  of  the  12th  instant.  I  approve 
entirely  of  all  the  steps  you  have  taken,  and  have  only  to 
wish  that  the  exertions  of  those  you  have  hod  to  deal  with  had 
kept  pace  icith  your  zeal  and  good  intentions."' 

Putnam's  disobedience  of  the  orders  of  Washington,  which  prevented 
the  latter  from  even  attempting  the  capture  of  Howe,  which  he  had 
determined  to  effect,  deeply  affected  Washington's  mind  ;  and  we  find 
in  a  letter  dated  Valley  Forge,  March  6,  1778,  he  thus  expresses  him- 
self in  reference  to  the  command  of  Rhode  Island  : 

'•  They  also  know  with  more  certainty  than  I  do,  what  will 
be  the  determination  of  Congress  respecting  Gen.  Putnam  ; 
and  of  course  whether  the  appointment  of  him  to  such  a  com- 
mand as  that  at  Rhode  Island  would  fall  within  their  views. 


60  NOTKS. 

It  being  incumbent  on  me  to  observe,  that  with  such  materials 
as  T  am  furnished,  the  work  must  go  on — whether  well  or  ill 
is  another  matter.  If,  therefore,  he  and  others  are  not  laid 
amde,  they  must  he  placed  where  they  can  least  injure  the 
service." 

In  a  letter  of  Washington  to  Putnam,  dated  Valley  Forge,  16th 
March,  1778,  he  says  : 

•'  Gen.  McDougall  is  to  take  command  of  the  posts  in  tlie 
Highlands.  My  reason  for  making  this  change  is  owing  to  the 
prejudices  of  the  people,  which  whether  well  or  ill  grounded, 
must  he  indulged;  and  I  should  think  myself  wanting  in 
justice  to  the  public  and  candor  towards  you,  were  I  to  con- 
tinue you  in  a  command,  after  I  have  been,  almost  in  direct 
terms,  informed  that  the  people  of  the  State  of  New -York  wdl 
not  render  the  necessary  support  and  assistance,  while  you 
remain  at  the  head  of  that  department.'1' 

See  also  Sparks'  Life  and  Writings  of  Washington,  vol.  5.  pp.  280-284. 

(37)  The  Bear  Market,  or  Hudson  Market,  as  it  had  been 
previously  called,  was  erected  in  tlie  year  1771,  and  stood  in 
Washington  street,  between  Fulton  and  Vesey  streets,  near  the 
water's  edge.  It  derived  the  name  of  Bear  Market  from  the 
circumstance  that  bear  meat  was  the  first  kind  of  meat  that 
was  there  exposed  for  sale.  Upon  its  site,  the  present  Wash- 
ington Market  was  erected.  Tins  market  was  opened  in  the 
year  1813.  The  building  is  a  spacious  one,  and  is  built  of 
brick,  and  exclusively  appropriated  to  the  use  of  licensed 
butchers.  At  the  ends  of  the  wings  and  parallel  to  the  front 
part,  there  is  a  wooden  building  for  the  accommodation  of 
country  people.     Below  this  and  close  to  the  Hudson  River 


NOTES.  <>  1 

stands  the  Fish  Market,  which  is  likewise  built  of  wood. 
The  Washington  market  is  chiefly  patronized  by  the  popula- 
tion of  the  southern  and  western  parts  of  the  city.  The 
products  of  the  North  River  country  rind  their  principal  >ale 
here. 

(ss)  The  Old  City  Hall  stood  at  the  corner  of  Wall  and 
Nassau  streets,  facing  Broad  street.  It  was  constructed  of  the 
materials  of  a  stone  bastion  in  the  line  of  the  wall  of  defence 
along  Wall  street.  After  it  was  built,  it  is  on  record  that  it 
was  "  ordered  that  it  be  embellished  with  the  arms  of  the 
King,  and  the  Earl  of  Bellamont,'"  which  when  done,  the  cor- 
poration ordered  that  the  latter  should  be  taken  down  and 
broken.  The  City  Hall  was  erected  in  the  year  1700,  and 
was  the  proper  prison  of' the  city,  having  before  it  on  Broad 
street,  a  whipping-post,  pillory,  etc.  In  the  building  were 
held  the  sessions  of  the  Provincial  Assembly,  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  the  Mayor  and  Admiralty  Courts.  While  the 
British  held  possession  of  the  city,  they  used  the  City  Hall  as 
a  guard-house  for  the  main  guard.  There  were  dungeons 
below  for  the  confinement  of  prisoners.  At  first  only  civil 
offenders  were  incarcerated  there,  but  subsequently  it  became 
the  place  of  imprisonment  for  whale-boatmen  and  robbers. 
During  the  latter  part  of  the  war  the  refugee  clergymen 
preached  in  a  court  room  on  the  second  floor.  While  the 
building  was  occupied  by  the  enemy,  it  was  much  injured  by 
them,  and  they  broke  up  and  plundered  the  New  York  Society 
Library,  then  contained  in  one  of  the  rooms.  An  eye-witness 
has  affirmed  that  the  soldiers  were  in  the  habit  of  carrying  off 
the  books  in  their  knapsacks,  and  bartering  them  away  for 
grog.     After  the  Revolution,  the  building  was  fitted  up  under 


62  NOTES. 

the  direction  of  the  engineer,  Major  L'Enfant,  for  the  recep- 
tion of  the  first  Federal  Congress.  It  was  here  in  the  open 
gallery,  in  front  of  the  Senate  Chamber,  in  the  view  of  an 
immense  concourse  of  citizens  collected  on  Broad  street,  that 
Washington  took  the  oath  of  office  as  President  of  the  United 
States,  before  Chancellor  Livingston.  The  superb  quarto 
Bible  upon  which  the  oath  was  taken,  is  still  preserved 
by  St.  John's  Lodge  Xo.  1.  Washington,  on  this  occasion, 
was  clad  in  a  suit  of  brown  cloth,  of  American  manufacture — 
a  steel-hilted  sword  by  his  side — his  hair  in  a  bag,  and  full 
powdered — silk  hose  and  shoes  with  silver  buckles.  After 
the  removal  of  Congress,  the  building  was  again  occupied 
for  city  purposes,  and  continued  to  be  thus  used  until  the 
year  1813,  when  the  "  Old  Federal  Hall,''''  as  it  had  been 
latterly  called,  was  demolished,  and  its  site  is  now  occupied 
by  the  fine  marble  building  known  as  "  The  Custom 
Home.'''' 

(39)  John  Simmons  was  a  noted  tavern  keeper  in  the  city 
of  New  York.  He  carried  on  his  business  for  many  years  in 
Wall,  corner  of  Nassau  street.  It  is  believed  that  he  had  at 
one  time  the  charge  of  the  Old  City  Hall.  He  died  about  the 
year  1796.  Mr.  Simmons  was  a  large,  fleshy  man,  and  on 
the  day  of  his  funeral,  it  was  found  necessary  to  cut  away  the 
street  door  of  his  house  in  order  to  let  his  coffin  pass.  Unlike 
most  persons  of  obesity,  he  appears  to  have  been  of  a  petulant 
disposition,  and  is  said  to  have  been  the  terror  of  children, 
who  would  run  when  they  saw  him  coming.  He  was  well 
known  to  the  urchins  of  his  day  by  the  irreverent  cognomen 
of  "  Old  Simmons.''''  After  his  death,  his  widow  conducted 
the  business  for  some  years. 


NOTES.  63 

(4o)  The  '•  Xew  Jail."  or  the  " Provost"  as  it  was  called 
in  the  Revolution,  was  a  square,  stone  edifice,  with  a  cupola, 
and  was  erected  in  1758,  in  the  Park,  then  known  as  the 
••  Commons."  Many  interesting  incidents  are  connected  with 
the  history  of  this  huilding  and  its  vicinity.  Here  Capt. 
afterwards  Gen.  McDougall  was  confined  hy  the  General 
Assembly,  for  what  they  called  a  libel ;  and  here  he  was 
visited  by  the  patriotic  gentlemen  and  ladies  who  sympathized 
with  him.  "When  the  British  took  possession  of  the  city,  they 
converted  this  building  into  a  place  of  confinement  for  the 
"  more  notorious  rebels,  civil,  naval  and  military.  An  admis- 
sion into  this  modern  bastile  was  enough  to  appal  the  stoutest 
heart.  On  the  right  of  the  main  door  was  Capt.  Cunning- 
ham's quarters ;  opposite  to  which  was  the  guard-room,  and 
within  the  first  barricade  was  Sergeant  O'Keefe's  apartment. 
At  the  entrance  door  two  sentinels  were  always  posted,  day 
and  night.  Two  more  were  at  the  first  and  second  barricades. 
These  barricades  were  grated,  barred  and  chained.  Other 
sentinels  were  at  the  rear  door,  and  on  the  platform  at  the 
grated  door  at  the  foot  of  the  second  flight  of  stairs,  leading 
to  the  rooms  and  cells  in  the  second  and  third  stories.  When 
a  prisoner,  escorted  by  soldiers,  was  led  into  the  hall,  the 
whole  guard  was  paraded,  and  he  was  delivered  over,  with 
all  formality,  to  Captain  Cunningham  or  his  deputy,  and 
questioned  as  to  his  name,  rank,  size,  age,  etc.,  all  of  which 
were  entered  in  a  record-book.  With  the  bristling  of  arms, 
unbolting  of  bars  and  locks,  the  clanking  of  enormous  iron 
chains,  and  a  vestibule  as  dark  as  Erebus,  the  unfortunate 
captive  might  well  shrink  under  this  infernal  sight  and  parade 
of  tyrannical  power,  as  he  crossed  the  threshold  of  that 
door  which  possibly  closed  on  him  for  life.     The  northeast 


64  NOTES. 

chamber,  turning  to  the  left,  on  the  second  floor,  was  appro- 
priated to  officers  and  characters  of  superior  rank  and  dis- 
tinction, and  was  called  '  Congress  Hall.'  So  closely  were 
the  prisoners  packed,  that  when  they  lay  down  at  night  to 
rest,  when  their  bones  ached  on  the  hard  oak  planks,  and 
they  wished  to  turn,  it  was  altogether  by  word  of  command — 
1  right — left?  So  wedged  and  compact  were  they,  that  they 
formed  almost  a  solid  mass  of  human  bodies.  In  the  daytime 
the  packs  and  blankets  of  the  prisoners  were  suspended 
around  the  walls,  every  precaution  being  used  to  keep  the 
rooms  ventilated,  and  the  walls  and  floors  clean,  to  prevent 
the  jail  fever.  As  the  Provost  was  generally  crowded  with 
American  prisoners,  and  British  culprits  of  every  description, 
it  is  really  wonderful  that  infection  never  broke  out  within  its 
walls.  In  this  gloomy,  terrific  abode  were  incarcerated,  at 
different  periods,  many  American  officers  and  citizens  of  dis- 
tinction, awaiting  with  sickening  hope  and  tantalizing  expec- 
tation the  protracted  period  of  their  exchange  and  liberation. 
Could  those  dumb  walls  speak,  what  scenes  of  anguish,  what 
tales  of  agonizing  woe  might  they  not  disclose.  Among 
other  characters  wrho  were  there  at  the  same  time,  were  the 
famous  Col.  Ethan  Allen,  and  Judge  Fell,  of  Bergen  County, 
New  Jersey.  When  Capt.  Cunningham  entertained  the  young 
British  officers  accustomed.to  command  the  Provost  guard,  by 
dint  of  curtailing  the  prisoners'  rations,  exchanging  good  for 
bad  provisions,  and  other  embezzlements  practiced,  the  cap- 
tain, his  deputy,  and  indeed  the  commissaries  generally,  were 
enabled  to  fare  sumptuously.  In  the  drunken  orgies  that 
usually  terminated  his  dinners,  the  captain  would  order  the 
rebel  prisoners  to  turn  out  and  parade  for  the  amusement  of 
his  guests,   pointing  them  out,    "  this  is   the  damned   rebel 


NOTES.  65 

Co).  Ethan  Allen — that  a  rebel  Judge,"  etc.  The  treatment 
of  the  prisoners  was  as  rigid  as  can  be  conceived.  "  They 
were  closely  confined  in  jail,  without  distinction  of  rank  or 
character,  amongst  felons  (a  number  of  whom  were  under 
sentence  of  death),  and  their  friends  were  not  suffered  to 
speak  to  them,  even  through  the  grates.  They  were  com- 
pelled to  subsist  upon  the  scanty  weekly  allowance  of  two 
pounds  of  hard  biscuit,  and  two  pounds  of  raw  pork  per  man, 
with  no  fuel  to  dress  it.  They  were  frequently  supplied  with 
water  frorn  a  pump,  where  all  kinds  of  filth  that  could  render 
it  obnoxious  and  unwholesome,  was  thrown  (the  effects  of 
which  were  too  often  felt),  and  at  the  same  time  good  water 
was  as  easily  obtained.  They  were  denied  the  benefit  of  a 
hospital,  were  not  allowed  to  send  for  medicine,  and  no 
doctor  permitted  to  visit  them,  even  when  they  were  in  the 
greatest  distress.  Married  men  and  others  who  lay  at  the 
point  of  death  were  refused  the  attendance  of  their  wives  or 
relatives,  and  those  who  attempted  to  gain  admission  were 
often  beaten  from  the  prison.  Commissioned  officers  and  other 
persons  of  character,  without  a  cause  were  thrown  into  a 
loathsome  dungeon,  insulted  in  a  gross  manner,  and  vilely 
abused  by  a  Provost  marshal  who  was  allowed  to  be  one  of 
the  basest  characters  in  the  British  army,  and  whose  power 
was  so  unlimited  that  he  caned  an  officer  on  a  trivial  occasion, 
and  frequently  beat  the  sick  privates  when  unable  to  stand, 
many  of  whom  were 'daily  obliged  to  enlist  in  the  Xew  Corp-, 
to  prevent  perishing  for  want  of  the  necessaries  of  life. 
Neither  pen.  ink  or  paper  was  allowed — to  prevent  their 
treatment  being  made  public — the  consequence  of  which,  the 
prisoners  themselves  dreaded,  knowing  the  malignant  dispo- 
sition of  their  keeper.''     "  It  is  said  that  Cunningham  was 


titf  NOTES. 

only  restrained  from  putting  the  prisoners  to  death,  live  or  six 
of  them  of  a  night  (back  of  the  prison  yard),  by  the  distress 
of  certain  women  in  the  neighborhood,  who,  pained  by  the 
cries  for  mercy  which  they  heard,  went  to  the  Commander- 
in-chief,  to  whom  they  made  the  case  known,  and  entreated 
him  to  discontinue  the  practice."  After  the  Revolution  the 
Provost  was  again  used  as  a  city  jail,  and  was  for  some 
time  the  place  of  confinement  for  insolvent  debtors,  from 
which  circumstance  it  obtained  the  name  of  the  "  Debtor's 
Prison."  The  building  was  subsequently  altered  for  its 
present  purpose,  and  is  now  known  as  the  '"Hall  of  Records.''' 

(41)  Susannah  Leggett  was  the  daughter  of  John  Leggett, 
of  West  Farms,  by  his  wife  Sarah,  and  was  born  in  West- 
chester County,  N.  Y.,  on  the  23d  day  of  July,  1758.  She 
was  married  on  the  3d  day  of  February,  1779,  to  Abner 
Everitt,  of  Pennsylvania,  who  was  by  occupation  a  farmer. 
She  died  in  Belvidere,  N.  J.,  on  the  23d  day  of  January,  1848, 
in  the  90th  year  of  her  age.  Her  husband  died  in  Pennsyl- 
vania on  the  3d  day  of  August,  1794,  at  the  age  of  40  years 
and  six  months.  They  had  nine  children,  of  whom  there 
were  four  sons  and  five  daughters.  Abner  Everitt  was  an 
officer  in  the  army  of  the  Revolution,  and  was  at  one  time  a 
prisoner  with  the  enemy.  There  is  a  portrait  of  Mrs.  Everitt, 
taken  in  her  old  age,  and  said  to  be  an  excellent  likeness,  in 
possession  of  her  daughter,  Mrs.  John  C.  Van  Allen,  of  this  city. 

(42)  Andrew  Norwood  was  the  husband  of  Mary  Leggett, 
and  brother-in-law  to  Major  Leggett.  Mr.  Norwood  was  a 
shoemaker  by  trade.  After  the  war  he  carried  on  the  business 
at  No.  12  Princess  (now  Beaver)  street  for  many  years. 


NOTES.  67 

(43)  The  surrender  of  Burgoyne  and  his  army  on  the  17th 
of  October,  1777,  was  by  far  the  most  fatal  disaster  which  had 
occurred  to  the  British  in  this  country.  While  it  gave  for 
some  time  a  death  blow  to  their  hopes  of  conquest,  it  inspired 
the  Americans  with  a  confidence  to  which  many  of  them  had 
heretofore  been  strangers.  In  every  part  of  the  country  the 
news  was  considered  important,  but  to  the  inhabitants  of  this 
city,  which  at  that  time  consisted  chiefly  of  British  soldiers, 
sailors  and  royalists,  the  tidings  must  have  been  terrible 
indeed.  It  was  now  evident  that  the  Americans  had  the 
ability  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  the  consequence  was, 
that  they  soon  found  friends  who  were  not  only  able,  but 
willing  and  ready  to  assist  them. 

(44)  William  Cunningham,  the  Provost-Marshal,  used  every 
precaution  to  keep  the  defeat  of  Burgoyne  from  the  know- 
ledge of  his  prisoners.  He  set  a  watch  upon  all  persons 
visiting  the  Provost,  that  no  communication  of  the  fact  might 
be  made.  A  Miss  Margaret  Lent,  who  lived  near  the  prison, 
and  visited  it  frequently,  with  food,  determined  to  inform  the 
prisoners  of  our  brilliant  and  cheering  victory.  She  accord- 
ingly baked  a  letter  containing  the  account  ia  a  loaf  of  bread. 
She  carried  it  to  the  Provost,  and  directed  that  it  should  not 
be  dispensed  until  she  had  time  to  reach  her  home.  She  was 
hardly  across  the  threshold  when  a  thundering  shout  from  the 
prison  announced  to  the  keeper  that  the  glorious  achievement 
at  Saratoga  was  no  longer  a  secret.  This  intelligence,  it  is 
said,  strengthened  souls  almost  crushed  by  despak,  for  in  it 
they  saw  glimmerings  of  our  final  triumph. 

(45)  Capt.  James  Breath  was  born  in  the  city  of  New 
York  on  the  7th  October,  1771.     He  was  married  to  Betsey, 


68  NOTES. 

eldest  daughter  of  Major  Leggett,  on  the  16th  October,  1800. 
He  was  for  many  years  captain  of  a  merchant  ship,  sailing 
from  New  York  to  China.  He  afterwards  left  the  sea,  and 
went  into  the  shipping  business,  in  which  occupation  he 
remained  for  some  time.  In  1819,  he  moved  to  Marine 
Settlement,  Illinois,  where  he  died,  October  26th,  1843.  His 
wife,  who  was  born  at  North  Salem,  N.  Y.,  April  1st,  1778, 
died  on  the  12th  February,  1859,  in  her  82d  year,  at  the 
residence  of  her  daughter  in  Danville,  Kentucky.  Capt. 
Breath  had  nine  children,  viz. : 

James  Saunders  Breath,  born  in  New  York,  March  18,  1802. 

Elizabeth  Breath "  "  Jan.  9,  1804. 

Died,  Sept.,  1820. 

Abraham  Breath "  k'  Dec.  1,  1805. 

Edward  Breath "  "  Jan.  22,  1808. 

Died,  Nov.  18,  1861. 

John  Breath "  "  Sept.  20,  1809. 

Died,  Nov.  27,  1863. 

Wm.  Leggett  Breath.  . .  "  "  June  17,  1811. 

Rebecca  Leggett  Breath  "  "  Nov.  15,  1813. 

Died,  Jan.  10,  1854. 

Mary  Adeline  Breath  . .  "  "  Dec.  15,  1815. 

Samuel  M.  Breath "  "  Oct.  17,  1817. 


(4e)  Catharine  Wiley,  who  became  the  second  wife  of 
Major  Leggett,  was  the  daughter  of  an  officer  who  was  killed 
in  the  French  war.  She  was  born  in  the  town  of  New 
Rochelle,  Westchester  County,  N.  Y.,  on  the  twenty-second 
day  of  July,  in  the  year  1762.  She  was  married  to  Major 
Leggett   in  New  Rochelle,  Jan.  3,  1784.      She  died   in   the 


NOTJCS.  69 

city  of  New  York,  on  the  twenty-ninth  day  of  Xov.,  1839. 
They  had  nine  children,  viz. : 

1.  Abraham  Alsop  Leggett,  born  in  Charleston,  S.  0.,  Oct. 

23,  1785. 

2.  Mart  Norwood  Leggett,  born  in  Savannah,  Ga.,  Aug.  1, 

1T88. 

3.  Sarah  Wiley  Leggett,  born  in  Savannah,  Ga.,  Aug.  23. 

1790.     Died,  Nov.  30,  1791. 

4.  Sarah  Leggett,  born  in  Savannah,  Ga.,  Dec.  15,  1792. 

5.  Louisa  Leggett,  born  in  Savannah,  Ga.,  March  13,  1795. 

Died,  April  20,  1820. 

6.  Jane  Leggett,    born   in   Savannah,   Ga.,    July  26,   1797. 

Died,  Aug.  10,  1865. 

7.  Vm.  W.  Leggett,   born  in  Savannah,  Ga.,   Nov.  15,  1799. 

Died,  Feb.  11,  1800. 

8.  William  Leggett  (Editor,  etc.),   born  in  Savannah,  Ga., 

April  30,  1801.     Died,  May  29,  1839. 

9.  Catharine  Wiley  Leggett,  born  in  Savannah,  Ga.,  March 

19,  1804.     Died,  May  9,  1850. 

(47)  George  Clinton  was  the  youngest  son  of  Col.  Charles 
Clinton,  and  was  born  in  Ulster,  now  Orange  County,  X.  Y.. 
on  the  26th  July,  1739.  He  studied  law  under  William 
Smith,  and  soon  rose  to  distinction.  In  1775  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Colonial  Assembly,  and  in  May  of  the  same  year, 
took  his  seat  as  a  member  of  Congress.  On  the  25th  March. 
1777,  he  was  appointed  a  Brigadier-General,  and  in  April 
following,  he  became  Governor  of  New  York.  On  the  advance 
of  the  British  up  the  Hudson  in  October  of  that  year,  he  took 
command  of  Fort  Montgomery,  where  he  and  his  brother 
James    made   a  most  gallant  defence,  and   on  being   over- 


70  NOTES. 

powered  by  the  enemy,  he,  with  his  brother,  escaped  under 
cover  of  the  night.  In  the  year  1801,  he  was  again  chosen 
Governor  of  New  York,  and  in  1804-,  became  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  which  office  he  held  at  the  time  of  his 
death.  He  was  a  man  of  great  energy  of  character,  and  was 
possessed  of  most  undaunted  courage.  He  was  distinguished 
as  a  soldier,  a  statesman  and  a  patriot,  and  figures  on  the 
pages  of  history  as  one  of  the  most  illustrious  characters  of  the 
revolution.  He  died  at  Washington,  D.  C,  April  20th,  1812, 
in  the  73d  year  of  his  age. 

(4s)  Foet  Sloxgo  was  a  strong  military  post  at  Treadwell's 
Neck,  near  Smithtown,  Long  Island.  It  was  erected  by  a 
party  of  Tory  wood-cutters,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  in 
number,  who  committed  many  outrages  and  depredations.  In 
the  month  of  October,  1781,  Major  Benjamin  Tallmadge 
attacked  the  fort,  and  destroyed  it,  carrying  off  a  brass 
3-pounder,  the  colors  of  the  fort,  seventy  stand  of  arms,  and  a 
quantity  of  ammunition,  besides  taking  a  number  of  prisoners, 
and  all  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  He  gives  the  following 
account  of  the  expedition  : 

"  The  fortress  at  Treadwell's  Xeck,  called  Fort  Slongo, 
seemed  to  demand  attention,  as  the  next  in  course  to  Fort 
St.  George,  which  we  had  already  taken.  On  the  1st  of 
October,  I  moved  my  detachment  of  light  infantry  into  the 
neighborhood  of  Xorwalk.  At  the  same  time  I  directed  a 
suitable  number  of  boats  to  assemble  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Saugatuck  River,  East  of  the  town  of  Xorwalk,  and  on  the 
evening  of  the  2nd  of  October,  1781,  at  9  o'clock,  I  embarked 
a  part  of  my  detachment,  and  placed  Major  Trescot  at  the 
head  of  it,  with  orders  to  assail  the  fort  at  a  particular  point. 


NOTES.  71 

The  troops  landed  on  Long  Island  by  4  o'clock,  and  at  the 

dawn  of  day  the  attack  was  made  and  the  fortress  subdued. 

The  blockhouse  and  other  combustible  materials  were  burnt, 

and  the  detachment  and  prisoners  returned  in  safety." 

Memoir  of  Col.  Tallmadge,  p.  46. 
See  also 

Onderdonk's  Suffolk  and  King's  Counties,  p.  105. 

(49)  Timothy  Williams  was  the  son  of  Nathaniel  Williams, 
a  farmer  of  Huntington,  L.  I.  His  mother's  maiden  name 
was  Kachel  Fleet.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Thomas  Fleet,  of 
Huntington,  who  was  by  occupation  a  farmer.  The  subject 
of  this  note  was  born  in  Huntington,  on  the  25th  day  of 
December,  1756.  He  was  in  the  army  with  Major  Leggett 
during  a  considerable  part  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution, 
and  there  was  a  most  intimate  and  friendly  relation  between 
them.  Mr.  Williams  followed  the  occupation  of  a  merchant 
for  many  years  after  the  war.  He  bore  the  reputation  of  a  man 
of  great  integrity  of  character  and  amiability  of  disposition. 
He  died  in  Huntington  on  the  26th  day  of  August,  1811.  His 
wife's  maiden  name  was  Jane  Oakley.  She  was  the  daughter  of 
Wilmot  Oakley,  a  merchant  of  Sweet  Hollow,  L.  I.  She  died 
in  the  city  of  New  York  on  the  15th  day  of  August,  1860,  in 
the  90th  year  of  her  age.  Mr.  Williams  had  seven  sons  and 
three  daughters.  Of  these,  all  are  now  living,  except  one 
daughter  and  two  sons. 

(so)  The  following  account  of  this  affair  we  take  from  one  of  the 
newspapers  of  the  day  : 

"  New- York,  October  11. 

Monday  last  were  brought  to  town  conducted  by 
Captain  Luke  of  the  Loyal  Refugees,  and  safely  lodged  in  the 


I  -1  NARRATIVE. 

Provost  of  this  city,  the  following  rehel  gentry,  viz.  Major 
Brash,  Capt.  Cornelius  Conklin.  Capt.  J.  Conklin,  Capt. 
Rogers,  and  Lieutenant  Faeley,  all  notorious  offenders  that 
have  been  long  practiced  in  coining  from  the  Xew  England 
Shore  to  murder  and  plunder  the  King's  loyal  subjects  on 
Long  Island.  They  were  last  Saturday  taken  by  Lieutenant 
Pendergrass  and  a  party  of  Colonel  Cuyler's  Refugees,  at 
Smith  Town,  with  their  whale  boat  and  considerable  booty. 
A  certain  Capt.  Ketchum,  one  of  the  above  gang,  was  killed 
in  attempting  to  make  his  escape." 

Gaine,  Monday,  Oct.  16,  1780„ 


G  EORGE    THE    THIRD. 


NARRATIVE 

OF 

THE  EXERTIONS  AND  SUFFERINGS  OF 

LIEUT.    JAMES    MOODY, 

IN 

THE  CAUSE  OF  GOVERNMENT  SINCE  THE  YEAR   1770. 

lUritten  bp  tjimsclf, 

WITH     THE      AUTHOR'S      LAST      CORRECTIONS. 
Authenticated  by  proper  Certificates. 

WITH 

A  X    1  N  T  R  0  D U C T 1 0  N    AN  I)    X  0  T  E  S, 

BY 

CHARLES  I.  BUSHNELT, 


NEW    YORK: 

PRIVATELY    FEINTED, 

1865. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1365,  by 
CHARLES    I.  BUSHNELL, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the 
Southern   District  of  New  York. 


INTRODUCTION. 


v"  '--  IEUT.  JAMES  MOODY,  the  author  of 
the  following  narrative,  was  one  of  the 
most  celebrated  partisan  leaders  of  the 
Revolution.  He  seems,  in  fact,  to  have 
been  peculiarly  fitted  for  this  species  of  warfare. 
With  a  robust  constitution  and  uncommon  phy- 
sical strength,  he  was  possessed  of  great  activity 
and  power  of  endurance.  His  mind  was  clear 
and  energetic,  his  spirit  firm  and  determined, 
lie  was  fruitful  in  expedients,  brave  and  self-pos- 
sessed,   qualities   which  enabled   him    to    extricate 


IV  [XTRODUCTIOX. 

himself  from  many  perilous  emergencies  in  the 
course  of  his  career. 

He  was  originally  a  fanner  in  New  Jersey.  At 
the  commencement  of  the  Revolution,  lie  remained 
loyal  to  the  king,  and  by  his  zeal  in  the  cause,  be- 
came so  obnoxious  to  the  Whigs,  that  lie  was  at 
length  compelled  to  seek  safety  in  the  British  lines. 
Being  naturally  fond  of  adventure,  and  prompted 
also  by  a  conviction  of  right,  and  also,  perhaps,  by 
a  spirit  of  revenge,  he  soon  took  up  arms  in  the  ser- 
vice, and  became  celebrated  as  a  partisan  and  a 
spy. 

In  command  of  an  independent  company,  he  was 
the  cause  of  great  suffering  to  the  Americans,  by 
his  predatory  incursions.  Sometimes  he  would 
prowl  about  the  camp,  watching  the  movements 
and  noting  the  plans  of  the  army,  and  at  other  times 
he  would  lurk  about  the  residences  of  civilians  of 
character  seeking  for  an  opportunity  to  carry  them 
oft'. 

lie  was  a  source  of  great  annoyance'  to  Wash- 
ington and  other  commanders  by  intercepting  and 
seizing  their  despatches.     On  one  occasion  this  pro- 


INTKOnUCTIO.NT.  V 

pensity  was  turned  to  some  benefit  to  the  Americ  tii 
cause,  for  he  fell  in  with  some  documents  which 
had  been  purposely  sent  to  direct  Sir  Henry  Clin- 
ton to  New  York  as  the  point  of  attack  instead  of 
^  orktown,  the  real  place  of  rendezvous. 

On  another  occasion  he  came  very  near  capturing 
Governor  Livingston,  of  New  Jersey,  and  on 
another  would  have  succeeded  in  carrying  off  the 
hooks  and  documents  of  Congress  but  for  the 
treachery  of  one  of  his  party.  In  this  adventure. 
his  brother  was  taken  and  subsequently  executed. 
and  Moody  himself  narrowly  escaped  capture. 

Being  exceedingly  active,  prompt  ami  cunning  in 
the  execution  of  his  plans,  he  spread  great  terror 
among  the  inhabitants.  Rewards  were  offered  for 
his  apprehension,  and  attempts  made  to  take  him. 
but  for  a  time  without  success. 

At  length,  however,  he  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Gen.  Wayne,  who  sent  him,  a  prisoner,  to  West 
Point,  where  he' endured  for  a  while  a  rigorous 
confinement,  but  he  eventually  broke  his  guard. 
effected  his  escape,  and  was  again  in  service  as 
before. 


VI 


INTRODUCTION. 


His  constitution,  though  naturally  strong,  finally 
became  impaired  by  hardship  and  exposure,  and 
lie  was  compelled  to  seek  repose.  lie  went  to 
England  in  the  month  of  November,  1781,  and 
remained  there  two  or  three  years.  He  then  took 
up  his  residence  in  Weymouth,  Nova  Scotia,  where 
he  became  a  colonel  of  a  regiment  of  militia.  He 
lived  on  half-pay  until  the  year  1809,  when  he  bid 
adieu  to  life  at  the  age  of  sixty-five  years. 

Mr.  Moody  receive*!  but  poor  compensation  for 
the  losses  he  sustained,  the  hardships  he  endured, 
and  the  perils  he  encountered.  The  one  hundred 
guineas  he  obtained  for  the  capture  of  the  first  mail, 
and  the  two  hundred  for  the  second,  together  with 
thirty  more  which  weie  paid  him  by  General 
Robertson  as  an  outfit  for  the  expedition  he  under- 
took tor  the  seizure  of  Governor  Livingston,  make 
the  sum  total  of  his  emoluments  beyond  others  of 
his  rank. 

lie  had  exposed  his  lite  for  a  year,  without  even 
the  pay  of  a  common  soldier,  and  when  he  left  the 
army,  although  deeply  in  debt  by  reason  of 
engagements  incurred  for  the  cause  of  the  Crown. 


IXTHOBt'CTION.  VII 

serving  for  over  four  years  with  every  satisfaction 
to  his  superiors,  with  his  health  impaired,  and  liis 
estate  forfeited,  yet  he  was,  to  the  shame  of  the 
British  government,  but  a  mere  lieutenant  in  a 
corps  of  volunteers. 

About  the  time  when  he  was  soliciting  from  the 
Government  compensation  for  the  losses  he  had 
sustained  in  the  war,  he  wrote  and  published  a  nar- 
rative of  his  adventures. 

In  consequence  of  the  incredulity  with  which 
it  was  received,  he  issued  in  1783  a  second  edition, 
much  enlarged,  to  which  he  added  some  cor- 
roborative testimony.  The  narrative  is  clear  and 
well  expressed.  It  is  written  with  much  modesty, 
and  bears  the  impress  of  candor,  impartiality  and 
truth. 

The  present  issue  is  printed  from  the  author's 
private  copy  of  the  second  edition,  containing  his 
manuscript  notes  and  corrections,  and  is  an  exact 
reprint  of  the  original. 

In  conclusion,  we  would  state  that,  for  the 
convenience  of  the  public,  the  original  foot-notes 
are    referred    to    by    marks,    ami    the    manuscript 


Vlll 


[INTRODUCTION. 


additions  by  letters.     The  notes  furnished  by  tlie 
editor    are   designated    by    numbers,    and    will   be 

found  at  the  end  of  the  narrative. 


NARRATIVE. 


^   1I0ICE  and  plan,  it  would  seem,  have  sel- 
dom much  influence  in  determining  either 
men's     characters,    or    their     conditions. 
These   are   usually   the   result  of  circum- 
stances utterly  without  our  controul.    Of  the  truth  of 
this  position,  the  Writer's  own  recent  history  affords 
abundant  proofs. 

Seven  years  ago,  few  human  events  seemed  more 
improbable,  than  that  he,  a  plain,  contented  farmer, 
settled  on  a  large,  fertile,  pleasant,  and  well-improved 
farm  of  his  own,  in  the  best  climate  and  happiest  country  in 
the  world,  should  ever  beat  his  plough-share  iuto  a  sword, 


10  \  WIKATIVK. 

and  coraineiice  ;i  soldier.  Nor  was  it  less  improbable,  tli.it 
he  should  ever  become  a  writer,  and  be  called  upon  to  print 
a  narrative  of  his  own  adventures.  Yet  necessity  and  a 
sense  of  duty,  contrary  to  his  natural  inclination,  soon 
forced  him  to  appear  in  the  former  of  these  characters  ; 
and  the  importunity  of  friends  has  now  prevailed  with  him 
to  assume  the  latter. 

When  the  present  ill-fated  Rebellion  first  broke  out,  he 
was,  as  has  already  been  hinted,  a  happy  fanner,  without  a 
wish  or  an  idea  of  any  other  enjoyment,  than  that  of  making 
happy  and  being  happy  with,  a  beloved  wife,  and  three  pro- 
mising children.  He  loved  his  neighbours,  and  hopes  they 
were  not  wholly  without  regard  for  him.  Clear  of  debt, 
and  at  ease  in  his  possessions,  he  had  seldom  thought  much 
of  political  or  state  questions  ;  but  he  felt  and  knew  he  had 
every  possible  reason  to  be  grateful  for,  and  attached  to, 
that  glorious  Constitution  to  which  he  owed  his  security. 
The  first  great  uneasiness  he  ever  felt,  on  account  of  the 
Public,  was  when,  after  the  proceedings  of  the  first  Con- 
gress were  known,  he  foresaw  the  imminent  danger  to  which 
this  Constitution  was  exposed  ;  but  he  was  completely 
miserable  when,  not  long  after,  he  saw  it  totally  over- 
turned. 

The  situation  of  a  man  who,  in  such  a  dilemma,  wishes 
to  do  right,  is  trying  and  difficult.  In  following  the  mul- 
titude, he  was  sure  of  popular  applause  ;  this  is  always 
pleasing  ;  and  it  is  too  dearly  bought  only  when  a  man 
gives  up  for  it  the  approbation  of  his  own  conscience.  He 
foresaw,  in  its  fullest  force,  that  torrent  of  reproach,  insult, 


NARRATIVE.  11 

and  injury  which  he  was  sure  to  draw  down  on  himself,  and 
his  family,  by  a  contrary  conduct  ;  nor  does  he  wish  to 
deny,  that,  for  some  time,  these  overawed  and  staggered 
him.  For  himself  he  felt  but  little  ;  but  he  had  either  too 
much  or  too  little  of  the  man  about  him,  to  bear  the  seeing 
of  his  nearest  and  dearest  relatives  disgraced  and  ruined. 
Of  the  points  in  debate  between  the  parent-state  and  his 
native  country,  he  pretended  not  to  be  a  competent  judge  : 
they  were  studiously  so  puzzled  and  perplexed,  that  he 
could  come  to  no  other  conclusion,  than  that,  however  real 
or  great  the  grievances  of  the  Americans  might  be,  rebellion 
was  not  the  way  to  redress  them.  It  required  moreover 
but  little  skill  to  know,  that  rebellion  is  the  foulest  of  all 
cijmes  ;  and  that  what  was  begun  in  wickedness  must  end 
in  ruin.  With  this  conviction  strong  upon  his  mind,  here- 
solved,  that  there  was  no  difficulty,  danger,  or  distr<  ss, 
which,  as  an  honest  man,  he  ought  not  to  undergo,  rather 
than  see  his  country  thus  disgraced  and  undone.  In  spite 
therefore  of  incapacity,  in  spite  of  disinclination — nay,  in 
spite  even  of  concern  for  his  family — with  the  most  ardent 
love  for  his  country,  and  the  warmest  attachment  to  his 
countrymen,  he  resolved  to  do  anything,  and  to  be  any- 
thing, not  inconsistent  with  integrity — to  fight,  to  bleed, 
to  die, — rather  than  live  to  see  the  venerable  Constitution 
of  his  country  totally  lost,  and  his  countrymen  enslaved. 
What  the  consequences  of  this  resolution  have  been,  it  is 
the  intention  of  the  following  pages  to  describe. 

The  facts  now  to   be  related   have   many  of  them  been 
occasionally  published  in  the  New  York  papers,  but  in  a 


12  NARRATIVE. 

state  so  mutilated  ami  imperfect,  as  rather  to  excite  than 
"•ratify  curiosity.  They  are  here  brought  together  under 
one  view,  in  a  connected  narrative  ;  and  set  down  jn^t  as 
they  happened.  It  is  not  pretended  that  all  his  adveutures 
are  here  related,  or  that  all  the  circumstances  of  those  re- 
lated are  fully  enumerated.  It  would  be  impolitic  and  dan- 
gerous for  him  to  recount,  at  large,  all  his  various  strata- 
gems ;  it  would  be  barbarous  and  base,  to  divulge  all  the 
means  by  which  he  has  sometimes  effected  his  almost  mi- 
raculous escapes.  But  were  it  otherwise,  nothing  can  be 
farther  from  his  aim,  than  to  make  a  pompous  display  of 
any  supposed  merit  of  his  own.  As  to  the  truth  of  his 
principal  facts,  he  appeals  to  sundry  certificates  and  affida- 
vits now  in  his  possession  ;  nay,  he  farther  appeals  to  every 
officer  of  every  rank,  who  has  either  lately  served,  or  is 
still  serving,  in  America.  Yet,  after  all,  from  the  nature  of 
the  case,  the  credit  of  some  parts  of  this  Narrative  must 
rest  upon  his  own  authority,  which,  he  believes,  will  not  be 
questioned  by  those  who  are  acquainted  with  his  character. 
Of  the  true  causes  that  gave  birth  to  this  unhappy  quar- 
rel, Mr.  Moody  is  unwilling  to  give  any  opinion.  He  is  no 
politician  :  and.  therefore,  by  no  means  qualified  to  recon- 
cile the  contradictory  assertions  and  arguments  of  the  con- 
tending parties.  This  only,  as  an  individual  of  thai  de- 
scription of  people  of  whom  the  greatest  part  of  every  com- 
munity must  consist,  he  thinks  it  incumbent  on  him  to  de- 
clare, that  it  did  not  originate  with  the  people  of  America, 
properly  so  called.  They  felt  no  real  grievances,  and  there- 
fore could  have   no   inducement   to  risk   substantial  advan- 


NARRATIVE.  13 

tages  iii  ttie  pursuit  of  sncli  as  were  only  imaginary.  In 
making  tliis  declaration,  he  is  confident  lie  speak-;  the  senti- 
ments of  a  great  majority  of  the  peasantry  of  America. 
But,  in  every  country  there  are  multitudes  who.  with  little 

property,  and  perhaps  still  less  principle,  are  always  dis- 
posed, and  always  eager  for  a  change.  Sucli  persons  are 
easily  wrought  upon,  and  easily  persuaded  to  enlist  under 
the  banners  of  pretended  patriots  and  forward  demagogues  : 
of  whom  also  every  country  is  sufficiently  prolific. 

In  America,  These  popular  leaders  had  a  set  of  men  to 
assist  them,  who  inherited,  from  their  ancestors,  the  most 
rooted  dislike  and  antipathy  to  the  const itution  of  the  parent- 
state  ;  and,  by  means  of  their  friendly  co-operaiiou,  they 
were  able  to  throw  the  whole  continent  into  a  ferment  in  the 
year  1774.  and  maddened  almost  every  part  of  the  country 
with  Associations,  Committees,  and  Liberty-poles,  and  all  the 
preliminary  apparatus  necessary  to  a  Revolt.  The  genera] 
cry  was,  Join  or  die!  Mr.  MoOtly  relished  neither  of  these 
alternatives,  and  therefore  remained  oa  his  farm  a  silent, 
but  not  unconcerned,  spectator  of  the  black  cloud  that  had 
been  gathering,  and  was  now  ready  to  burst  on  his  devoted 
head.  It  was  in  vain  that  he  took  every  possible  precau- 
tion, consistent  with  a  good  conscience,  not  to  give  offence. 
Some  infatuated  associations  were  very  near  consigning  him 
to  the  latter  of  these  alternatives,  only  because  neither  his 
judgment,  nor  his  conscience,  would  suffer  him  to  adopt  the 
former.  He  was  perpetually  harassed  by  these  Committees; 
and  a  party  employed  by  them  once  actually  assaulted  his 
person,  having  first  flourished  their  tomahawks  over  his  head 


14  NARRATIVE. 

iii  a  most  insulting  manner.  Finding- it  impossible  either  to 
convince  these  associators,  or  to  be  convinced  by  them,  any 
longer  stay  among  them  was  useless  ;  and  an  attempt  made 
upon  him  soon  after,  rendered  it  impossible.  On  Sunday 
28th  March  1177,  while  he  was  walking  in  his  grounds  with 
his  neighbour  Mr.  Hutcheson,  he  saw  a  number  of  armed 
men  marching  towards  his  house.  He  could  have  no  doubt 
i if  their  intention  ;  and  endeavoured  to  avoid  them.  They 
fired  three  different  shots  at  him,  but  happily  missed  him, 
ami  he  escaped.  From  this  time,  therefore,  he  sought  the 
earliest  opportunity  to  take  shelter  behind  the  British  lines; 
and  set  out  for  this  purpose  in  April  1777.  Seventy-three 
of  his  neighbours,  all  honest  men,  of  the  fairest  and  most  re- 
spectable characters,  accompanied  him  in  this  retreat.  The 
march  was  long  ami  dangerous.  They  were  repeatedly 
annoyed  and  assaulted  ;  and  once  they  were  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  coming  to  an  engagement  with  a  rebel  party  con- 
siderably superior  in  number.  Men,  circumstanced  as  he 
and  his  friends  were,  could  want  no  arguments  to  animate 
their  exertions.  The  attack  was  sharp,  but  the  Loyalists 
were  successful  ;  the  enemy  gave  way,  leaving  them  at 
liberty  to  pursue  their  route  unmolested.  The  whole  com- 
pany, four  only  excepted,  arrived  safe  at  Bergen,  where 
they  joined  Lieutenant-colonel  Barton's  (i)  battalion,  in 
General  Skinner's  brigade.*  A  few,  whose  professions  were 
calculated  to  render  them  useful  in  that  department,  joined 
the  engineers. 

*Vide  General  Skinner's  Certificate. 


NARRATIVE.  15 

Iii  Juno  following,  Mr.  Moody  and  Mr.  Hittcfieson,  {-2) 

went  privately,  about  70  miles  into  the  country,  to  enlist  the 
friends  of  Government.  They  enlisted  upwards  of  .r>00  men 
The  British  army,  then  at  Brunswick,  was  expected  imme- 
diately to  march  through  New  Jersey.  Mr.  Moody  and 
his  friends  had  their  agents  properly  placed,  to  give  them 
the  earliest  information  of  the  army's  moving  ;  when  their 
plan  was,  to  disarm  the  disaffected,  and  generally  arm  the 
Loyal.  Let  the  Reader  then  judge  of  their  mortification, 
when,  whilst  their  adherents  were  high  in  spirits,  and  confi- 
dent of  their  ability,  at  one  blow,  as  it  were,  to  have  crush- 
ed the  Rebellion  in  New  Jersey,  they  were  informed,  that 
General  Howe  (3)  had  evacuated  t he  province,  and  was 
gone  to  the  southward.*  Notwithstanding  this  discourage- 
ment, Mr.  Moody  and  his  party  still  continued  in  the  coun- 
try agreeably  to  their  instructions,  in  the  hope  that  some 
opportunity  would  still  present  itself  to  annoy  the  rebellious, 
and  to  assist  the  loyal.  But  no  such  opportunity  offering 
immediately,  they  soon  received  orders  to  join  the  army  with 
the  men  they  had  enlisted,  or  could  enlist. 

In  consequence  of  these  instructions,  they  set  forwards 
with  about  100  Loyalists  (not  more  than  that  number,  from 
the  change  of  prospects,  were  then  to  he  prevailed  upon  to 
leave  their  own  country  ;  or,  if  it  had  been  otherwise,  the 
time  was  too  scanty,  being  not  more  than  48  hours,  to  col- 
lect them  together,  which,  it  must  be  obvious,  was  to  be 
done  only  with  great  caution  and  secrecy),  on  a  march  of  up- 
ends was  to  the  fatal  Chesapeak  expedition  tobetray  the  Loyalists  and 
to  ruin  Burgoign.     (The  words  in  italic  were  added  by  the  author. — Ed.) 


16  NARRATIVE. 

wards  of  70  miles,  through  a  well  inhabited  part  of  the  pro- 
vince. The  rebels  pursued  them  ;  and,  after  several  skirm- 
ishes, at  length  came  upon  them  in  Mich  force,  near  Perth- 
Amboy,  that  they  were  obliged  to  give  way  and  disperse. 
More  than  sixty  of  the  party  were  taken  prisoners  ;  eight 
only,  besides  Mr.  Moody,  got  within  the  British  lines. 
These  prisoners,  after  being  confined  in  Morristowu  jail, 
were  tried  for  what  was  called  high  treason  ;  (a)  and  above 
one  half  of  them  were  sentenced  to  die.  Two,  whose  names 
were  11  iff  and  Mee,  were  actually  executed  ;  the  rest  hav- 
ing been  reprieved  on  condition  of  their  serving  in  the  rebel 
army.  The  love  of  life  prevailed.  They  enlisted  ;  but  so 
strong  was  their  love  of  loyalty  at  the  same  time,  that,  three 
or  four  excepted,  who  died  under  the  hands  of  their  captors, 
they  all,  very  soon  after,  made  their  escape  to  the  British 
army. 

On  comparing  the  numbers  who  had  first  set  out  with 
him,  with  those  who,  after  being  taken,  had  returned  to 
him,  Mr.  Moody  found,  that,  on  the  alarm,  some  had  es- 
caped ;  and  some  also,  who  had  been  taken  and  released, 
being  still  missing,  he  concluded  that  they  had  gone  back  to 
their  respective  homes.     This  induced  him  to  return,  with- 

a.  Was  no1  tin'  taking  arms  against  the  King,  at  least  as  high  Treas<  n 
as  the  fighting  against  their  new  formed  self  created  states?  Yd 
our  Generals  suffered  these  Executions  of  the  Loyalists  to  go  on  ; 
without  ever  attempting  to  put  a  stop  to  them  by  threatening  to 
Retaliate,  nay  they  would  not  permit  the  Associated  Loyalists  to 
save  their  Friends,  bj  threatening  to  Execute  any  of  those  Rebels, 
whom  these  Loyalists  had  taken  prisoners,  and  whom  they  then 
held  in  their  own  i  ustody. 


NARRATIVE.  IT 

out  delay,  into  the  country  ;  and  lie  came  back  with  nine- 
teen men.  Convinced  that  there  were  still  many  more,  on 
whom  good  advice  and  a  good  example  might  have  their 
proper  influence,  he  again  went  out,  and  brought  back  with 
him  forty  two  young  men,  as  fine  soldiers  as  are  in  the 
world  :  some  of  whom  had  hut  just  escaped  from  jails, 
where  they  had  been  confined  for  their  loyalty.  All  these 
he  was  hap})y  enough  to  conduct  safe  to  the  King's  army. 
From  this  time,  he  continued  with  his  battalion  till  1778, 
having  just  before  been  made  an  Ensign. 

In  the  beginning  of  May  1778,  he  was  again  sent  into 
the  interior  parts  of  the  Rebel  country,  with  orders  to  re- 
main there  as  long  as  he  could,  to  render  such  service  to 
Government,  and  its  friends,  as  he  sin  mid  have  an  oppor- 
tunity for  ;  and  more  especially,  to  obtain  precise  intelli- 
gence from  Colonel  Butler,  then  supposed  to  be  at  Niagara. 
He  employed  a  trusty  Loyalist  to  go  out  to  Colonel  But- 
ler, (4)  who  lell  in  with  him  between  Niagara  and  Wyoming. 
and  was  with  him  at  the  reduction  of  this  last  mentioned 
fortress  ;  and  afterwards,  along  with  another  of  Mr. 
Moody's  men,  (who,  having  been  driven  from  him,  in  the 
disaster  just  related,  had  gone  back,  and  staid  with  Colonel 
Butler,  all  the  winter,  as  the  only  place  of  safety  he  could 
find),  he  returned  with  the  necessary  informations  ;  with 
which  they  all  went  back  and  reported  them  at  head-quar- 
ters. In  this  interval,  Mr.  Moody  took  prisoner  a  Mr. 
Martin,  chief  Commissioner  in  that  district,  for  the  selling 
of  confiscated  estates,  a  man  remarkable  for  his  spite  and 
cruelty  to  the  Friends  of  Government.     It  was  very  morti- 


18  NARRATIVE. 

fying  to  Mr.  Moody  to  have  this  man  rescued  from  him  by 
a  large  body  of  the  Militia,  after  having  had  him  in  his 
custody  about  forty-eight  hours.  But  he  relates  with  plea- 
sure, that  the  incident  had  a  good  effect  on  this  furious  op- 
pressor, inasmuch  as  his  behaviour  to  his  loyal  neighbours 
was  ever  after  much  more  mild  and  humane. 

On  the  10th  of  June  1779,  an  opportunity  of  rendering 
some  service  to  his  country  now  offering,  having  first  re- 
quested Mr.  Huteheson  and  six  men,  and  some  guides,  to  be 
of  the  party,  he  marched,  with  sixteen  of  his  own  men,  from 
Sandy  Hook  to  Shrewsbury.  They  eluded  the  vigilance  of 
a  Rebel  Guard,  and  gained  a  place  called  The  Falls.  Here 
they  surprised  and  took  prisoners,  one  Colonel,  one  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel,  one  Major,  and  two  Captains,  with  several 
other  prisoners  of  inferior  note  ;  and  without  injuring  any 
private  property,  destroyed  a  considerable  magazine  of 
powder  and  arms.  With  these  prisoners,  and  such  public 
stores  as  they  we're  able  to  bring  off,  Mr.  Huteheson  was 
charged,  whilst  Mr.  Moody  brought  up  the  rear,  with  his 
sixteen  men,  to  defend  them.  They  were,  as  they  hail  ex- 
pected, soon  pursued  by  double  their  number,  aud  overtaken. 
Mr.  Moody  kept  up  a  smart  lire  on  his  assailants,  checking 
and  retarding  them,  till  Mr.  Huteheson,  with  their  booty, 
had  got  a  head  to  a  considerable  distance.  He  then  also 
advanced,  making  for  the  next  advantageous  station  ;  and 
thus  proceeded,  from  one  good  spot  to  another,  still  cover- 
ing the  prisoners,  till  they  had  gained  a  situation  on  the 
shore  at  Black  Point,  where  the  enemy  could  not  flank 
them.     But,  just  at  this  time,  the  pursuers  were  reinforced 


narrative.  19 

with  ten  men  ;  so  that  they  were  now  forty  strong.  Mr. 
Hiitcheson,  with  one  man,  crossed  the  inlet,  behind  which 
he  bad  taken  shelter,  and  came  to  Mr.  Moody's  assistance  ; 
and  now  a  warm  engagement  ensued,  that  lasted  for  three 
quarters  of  an  hour.  By  this  time  all  their  ammunition, 
amounting  to  upwards  of  eighty  rounds  of  cartridges,  was 
expended  ;  and  ten  men  only,  three  of  whom  were  wound- 
ed-, were  in  any  capacity  to  follow  their  leader  to  the  charge. 
The  bayonet  was  their  only  resource;  but  this  the  enemy 
could  not  withstand  :  they  fled,  leaving  eleven  of  their  num- 
ber killed  or  wounded.  Unfortunately,  Mr.  Moody's  small, 
but  gallant  party  could  not  follow  up  their  blow  ;  being, 
in  a  manner,  utterly  exhausted  by  a  long  harassed  march, 
in  weather  intensely  hot.  They  found  the  Rebel  Captain 
dead,  and  their  Lieutenant  also  expiring  on  the  field. 
There  was  something  peculiarly  shocking  and  awful  in  the 
death  of  the  former.  He  was  shot  by  Mr.  Moody,  whilst 
with  the  most  bitter  oaths  and  threats  of  vengeance,  after 
having  missed  once,  he  was  again  levelling  his  piece  at  him. 
Soon  after  the  engagement,  one  of  the  party  came  forwards, 
with  an  handkerchief  flying  from  a  stick,  and  demanded  a 
parley.  His  signal  was  returned,  signifying  the  willingness 
of  the  Loyalists  to  treat  with  him  ;  and  a  truce  was  speedi- 
ly agreed  on  ;  the  conditions  of  which  were,  That  they 
should  have  leave  to  take  care  of  their  dead  and  wounded  ; 
whilst  Mr.  Moody's  party  was  permitted,  unmolested,  to 
return  to  the  British  lines.  Happily  none  of  the  wounds, 
which  any  of  his  men  received  in  this  expedition,  proved 
mortal.     The  publick  stores  which  they  brought  away  with 


20  NARRATIVE. 

them,  besides  those  which  they  had  destroyed,  sold  for 
upwards  of  five  hundred  pounds  sterling  ;  and  every 
shilling-  of  this  money  was  given  by  Mr.  Moody  to  the 
nidi,  as  a  small  reward  for  their  very  meritorious  con- 
duct.^) 

About  the  middle  of  the  October  following,  Mr.  Moody 
was  again  sent  into  the  interior  parts  of  the  Rebel 
Country,  to  obtain  intelligence  respecting  Washington's 
army.  He  succeeded  ;  and  his  intelligence  was  com- 
municated to  General  Pattison.  Again,  about  the  mid- 
dle of  November,  he  was  desired  to  find  out  the  situa- 
tion and  circumstances  of  an  army  under  the  Rebel 
General  Sullivan,  (<=)  which  had  lately  been  on  an  expe- 
dition to  the  westward  against  the  Indians.  According- 
ly, he  went  eighty  miles  into  Pennsylvania,  close  by 
Sullivan's  camp  ;  and  obtained  an  exact  account  of  the 
number  of  men  and  horses  with  which  he  went  out  from 
Easton,  on  this  Indian  expedition;  and  the  number  also 
that  he  returned  with. 

Prom  thence,  he  went  to  Morris  County,  where  Wash- 
ington then  lay  with  his  army.  And  here  he  had  the 
good  fortune  to  obtain,  from  their  own  books,  an  ac- 
count of  the  rations  which  were  drawn  for  them.  He 
next  went  to  Pumpton,  where  General  Gates  (-.)  then 
was,  on  his  march  to  the  southward  ;  and  here  also  he 
gained  the  exactest  information,  not  only  of  the  amount 
of  the  force  then  with  him,  but  of  the  numbers  that 
were  expected  to  join  him.  And  now,  having  pretty 
well  gone  through  the  business  entrusted  to  him,  he  re- 


NARRATIVE.  21 

turned  to  New  York,  and  continued  there  till  next 
year. 

In  May  1780,  lie  took  with  him  four  trusty  men,  and 
went  into  the  Rebel  Country,  with  the  intention  of  sur- 
prising Governor  Livingston,  («)  a  man  whose  conduct 
had  been,  in  the  most  abandoned  degree,  cruel  and  op- 
pressive to  the  loyal  inhabitants  of  New  Jersey.  When, 
with  all  necessary  secrecy,  Mr.  Moody  had  got  in;o  his 
immediate  neighbourhood,  information  was  received, 
that  Mr,  Livingston  was  gone  to  Trenton  to  meet 
die  assembly  ;  and  that,  on  his  return,  he  was  to  see 
some  persons  on  business  at  an  appointed  place.  This 
made  it  necessary  for  the  Ensign  to  alter  his  measures, 
as  he  did  immediately.  He  led  his  party  into  Sussex 
County,  and  there  left  them  ;  himself  only  retiring  to  a 
proper  situation,  till  his  plan  should  be  ripe  for  execu- 
tion. Being  under  a  necessity  of  again  returning-  into 
Sussex,  before  anything  could  be  done,  he  had  the  mor- 
tification to  find,  that  one  of  his  men  had  been  taken  pri- 
soner by  a  Rebel  Major  of  the  name  of  Hoops,  who  ex- 
torted a  confession  from  him  that  Moody  was  in  the 
country,  and,  as  he  imagined,  in  quest  of  some  person  of 
note,  who  lived  near  Morris  Town. (9)  This  blasted  the 
whole  project  ;  the  intelligence  was  instantly  sent  to 
Livingston,  who,  too  justly,  concluded  himself  to  be  the 
person  aimed  at  ;  and,  of  course,  took  every  precaution 
to  prevent  a  surprise. 

Still,  however,  Mr.  Moody  flattered  himself  he  should 
yet  be  more  fortunate,  and  do  something,  notwithstaud- 


22  NARRATIVE. 

ing  the  alarm  that  was  now  spread  through  the  country. 
The  first  plausible  thing  that  offered  was,  a  plan  to  blow 
up  the  magazine  at  Suckasunna,  about  sixteen  miles 
back  of  Morris  Town  ;  but  this  also  proved  abortive  :  for, 
notwithstanding  his  having  prevailed  on  some  British 
prisoners,  taken  with  General  Burgoyne,(io)  to  join  him 
in  the  enterprise,  the  alarm  was  now  become  so  general, 
and  the  terror  so  great,  that  they  had  increased  their 
guard  around  this  magazine,  to  the  number  of  an  hun- 
dred and  upwards  ;  so  that  he  was  under  the  necessity 
of  abandoning  his  project. 

Returning  again  into  Sussex  County,  he  now  heard 
that  several  prisoners  were  confined,  on  various  suspic- 
ions and  charges  of  loyalty,  in  the  jail  of  that  county  ; 
and  that  one  of  them  was  actually  under  sentence  of 
death.  This  poor  fellow  was  one  of  Burgoyne's  soldiers, 
charged  with  crimes  of  a  civil  nature,  of  which,  how- 
ever, he  was  generally  believed  to  be  innocent.  But 
when  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England  interposed 
with  liis  unrelenting  prosecutor,  and  warmly  urged  tin's 
plea  of  innocence,  lie  was  sharply  told,  that,  though  he 
might  not  perhaps  deserve  to  die  for  the  crime  for  which 
he  had  been  committed,  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  his 
deserving  to  die,  as  an  enemy  to  America.  There  was 
something  so  piteous,  as  well  as  shameful,  in  the  case 
of  this  ill-fated  victim  to  republican  resentment,  that  it 
was  determined  if  possible,  to  release  both  him  and  his 
fellow-prisoners.  For  this  purpose,  Mr.  Moody  took 
with  him  six  men,  and,  late  at,  night  entered  the  country 


NARRATIVE.  -!.-, 

town  about  seventy  miles  from  New  York.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  the  town  were  but  too  generally  disaffected. 
This  suggested  the  necessity  of  stratagem.  Coming  to 
the  jail,  the  keeper  called  out  from  the  window  of  an 
upper  room,  and  demanded  what  their  business  was? 
The  Ensign  immediately  replied,  "  He  had  a  prisoner  to 
deliver  into  his  custody."  ''  What  !  One  of  Moody's 
fellows  ?"  said  the  Jailor.  "  Yes/'  said  the  Ensign. 
On  his  enquiring  what  the  name  of  this  supposed  pri- 
soner was,  one  of  the  party,  who  was  well  known,  by 
the  inhabitants  of  that  place,  to  be  with  Mr.  Moody, 
personated  the  character  of  a  prisoner,  and  spoke  for 
himself.  The  jailor  gave  him  a  little  ill  language  ;  but, 
notwithstanding,  seemed  highly  pleased  with  the  idea  of 
his  having  so  notorious  a  Tory  in  his  custody.  On  the 
Ensign's  urging  him  to  come  down,  and  take  charge  of 
the  man,  he  peremtorily  refused  ;  alleging-,  that,  in  con- 
sequence of  Moody's  being  out,  he  had  received  strict 
orders  to  open  his  doors  to  no  man  after  sun-set  ;  and 
that  therefore  he  must  wait  till  morning.  Finding  that 
this  tale  would  not  take,  the  Ensign  now  changed  his 
note  ;  and,  in  a  stern  tone,  told  him,  "  Sirrah,  the  man 
who  now  speaks  to  you  is  Mood}'  :  I  have  a  strong  party 
witli  me;  and  if  you  do  not  this  moment  deliver  up  your 
keys,  I  will  instantly  pull  down  your  house  about  your 
ears."  The  jailor  vanished  in  a  moment.  On  this,  Mr. 
Moody's  men,  who  were  well  skilled  in  the  Indian  war- 
whoop,  made  the  air  resound  with  such  a  variety  of 
hideous  yells,  as  soon  left  them  nothing  to  fear  from  the 


24  NARRATIVE. 

inhabitants  of  New  Town,  which,  though  the  county 
town,  consists  011I3'  of  twenty  or  thirty  houses.  "  Tlie 
[ndians,  the  Indians  are  come  !" — said  the  panic-struck 
people  ;  and  happy  were  they  who  could  soonest  escape 
into  the  woods.  While  these  things  were  thus  going 
on,  the  Ensign  had  made  his  way  through  a  casement, 
and  was  met  by  a  prisoner,  whom  he  immediately  em- 
ployed to  procure  him  a  light.  The  vanished  jailor  was 
now  again  produced  ;  and  most  obsequiously  conducted 
Mr.  Moody  to  the  dungeon  of  the  poor  wretch  under  sen- 
tence of  death. 

It  may  seem  incredible,  but  it  is  an  undoubted  fact, 
that,  notwithstanding  all  the  horrors  and  awfulness  of 
1  lis  situation,  this  poor,  forlorn,  condemned  British  sol- 
dier was  found  fast  asleep  ;  and  had  slept  so  sound,  as 
to  have  heard  nothing  of  the  uproar  or  alarm.  There  is 
no  possibility  of  describing  the  agony  of  this  man, 
when,  on  being  thus  suddenly  aroused,  he  saw  before 
him  a  man  in  arms,  attended  by  persons,  whom,  though 
they  were  familiarly  known  to  him,  so  agitated  were 
his  spirits,  he  was  utterly  at  a  loss  then  to  recognize. 
The  first,  and  the  only  idea  that  occurred  to  him  was, 
that,  as  many  of  the  friends  of  Government  had  been 
privately  executed  in  prison,  the  person  he;  saw  was  his 
executioner.  On  Mr.  Moody's  repeatedly  informing  him 
of  his  mistake,  and  that  he  was  come  to  release  him  in 
the  name  of  King  George,  the  transition,  from  such  an 
abyss  of  wretchedness  to  so  extravagant  a  pitch  of  joy, 
had    well   nigh   overcome   him.     Never  before   had  the 


NARRATIVE.  20 

Writer  been  present  at  so  affecting  a  scone.  The  image 
of  the  poor  soldier,  alternately  agitated  with  the  ex- 
tremes of  despair  and  rapture,  is,  at  this  moment,  pres- 
ent to  his  imagination,  as  strong  almost  as  if  the  object 
were  still  before  him  ;  and  he  has  often  thought,  there 
are  few  subjects  on  which  a  painter  of  taste  and  sensi- 
bility could  more  happily  employ  his  pencil.  The  man 
looked  wild  ;  and  undoubtedly  was  wild,  and  hardly  in 
his  senses  :  and  yet  he  laboured,  and  was  big-  with  some 
of  the  noblest  sentiments,  and  most  powerful  passions 
by  which  the  human  mind  is  ever  actuated.  In  such 
circumstances,  it  was  with  some  difficulty  that  the  En- 
sign got  him  away.  At  length,  however,  his  clothes 
were  got  on  ;  and  he,  with  all  the  rest  who  chose  to 
avail  themselves  of  the  opportunity,  were  conducted  into 
safety,  notwithstanding  a  warm  pursuit  of  several  days. 

The  humane  reader,  Mr.  Moody  persuades  himself, 
will  not  be  less  affected  than  he  himself  was,  at  the 
mournful  secpuel  of  this  poor  soldiers  tale.  In  the  course 
of  war  he  was  again  taken,  and  again  conducted  to  the 
dungeon  ;  and  afterwards  actually  executed  on  the  same 
sentence  on  which  he  had  been  before  convicted  ;  though 
he  left  the  world  with  the  most  solemn  asseverations  of 
his  innocence,  as  to  any  crime  of  which  he  had  been  ac- 
cused, excepting  only  an  unshaken  allegiance  to  his  Sov- 
ereign. 

A  few  other  particulars  respecting  this  poor  man,  who, 
though  but  a  common  soldier  in  a  marching  regiment, 
was,  in  all  the  essential  and  best  parts  of  the  character. 


2(>  NARRATIVE. 

an  hero,  the  Writer  cannot  excuse  himself  from  the  re- 
lation of.  His  situation  and  circumstances  in  the  Rebel 
Country  being  peculiar,  Mr.  Moody,  not  thinking'  it 
proper  himself  to  return  thither  so  soon,  took  the  earli- 
est means  lie  could  to  have  him  conveyed  safe  to  New 
York.  But  no  arguments,  no  entreaties,  could  prevail 
with  him  to  leave  his  deliverer.  "  To  yon,"  said  he,  "  I 
owe  my  life  :  to  you,  and  in  your  service,  let  me  devote 
it.  You  have  found  me  in  circumstances  of  ignominy  : 
I  wish  for  an  opportunity  to  convince  you,  that  you  have 
not  been  mistaken  in  thinking  me  innocent,  I  am,  and 
you  shall  find  me,  a  good  soldier.''  It  was  to  this  fatal 
but  fixed  determination,  that  he  soon  after  owed  the 
loss  of  his  life. 

When  he  was  brought  to  the  place  of  execution,  the 
persons,  who  had  charge  of  him,  told  him,  they  had  au- 
thority to  promise  him  a  reprieve;  and  they  did  most 
solemnly  promise  it  to  him,  on  condition  only  that  he 
would  tell  them,  who  the  Loyalists  in  the  country  were 
that  had  assisted  Moody.  His  reply  was  most  manly 
and  noble  ;  and  proves,  that  real  nobility  and  dignity 
of  sentiment  are  appropriated  to  no  particular  rank  or 
condition  of  life.  "  I  love  life,"  he  said,  "  and  there  is 
nothing  which  a  man  of  honour  can  do,  that  I  would 
not  do  to  save  it;  but  I  cannot  pay  this  price  for  it. 
The  men  you  wish  me  to  betray  must  be  good  men,  be- 
cause they  have  assisted  a  good  man  in  a  good  cause. 
Innocent,  as  1  am,  I  feel  this  an  awful  moment:  how 
far  it  becomes  you  to  tempt   me  to  make  it  terrible,  by 


XARRATIYK. 


27 


overwhelming  me  in  the  basest  guilt,  yourselves  must 
judge.  My  life  is  in  your  power;  my  conscience,  I 
thank  God,  is  still  my  own." 

Another  extraordinary  circumstance  is  said  to  have 
befallen  him  ;  which,  as  well  as  the  preceding-,  Mr, 
Moody  relates  on  the  testimony  of  an  eye-witness  yet 
living.  Though  he  was  a  small  and  light  man  ;  yet 
the  rope,  wjth  which  he  was  suspended,  broke.  Even 
still  this  poor  man's  admirable  presence  of  mind  and 
dignity  of  conscious  innocence,  did  in  it  forsake  him. 
He  instantly  addressed  himself  to  the  surrounding  mul- 
titude, in  the  following  words  :  "  Gentlemen,  f  cannot 
but  hope  that  this  very  extraordinary  event  will  con- 
vince you,  of  what  I  again  solemnly  protest  to  you,  that 
I  am  innocent  of  the  crime  for  which  you  have  adjudged 
me  to  die."     But  he  still  protested  in  vain. 

The  supposed  crime  for  which  he  suffered  was,  the 
plundering  and  robbing  the  house  of  a  certain  furious 
and  powerful  Eebel.  But  it  would  be  unjust  to  his 
memory  not  to  certify,  as  Mr.  Moody  does,  that  he  has 
since  learned,  from  the  voluntary  confession  of  a  less 
conscientious  loyalist,  that  this  honest  man  was  charged 
wrongfully  ;  inasmuch  as  he  himself,  without  the  know- 
ledge of  the  other,  on  the  principles  of  retaliation  and 
revenge,  had  committed  the  crime.  The  name  of  the 
above-mentioned  honest  soldier  and  martyr,  was  Robkrt 
Maxwell,  a  Scotsman,  who  had  had  a  good  education. 

Not  long  after,  obtaining  information  of  the  British 
army's  moving   towards   Springfield,    Mr.    Moody  con- 


NARRATIVE. 

eluded,  that  the  campaign  was  open.  There  appeared 
no  way  in  which,  with  his  small  party  of  seven  men,  he 
could  be  more  useful,  than  by  securing  as  many  as  he 
could  of  the  Rebel  Militia.  Accordingly,  it  was  not 
long  before  he  contrived  to  take  prisoners,  a  Major,  a 
Captain,  two  Lieutenants,  and  sundry  Committee  Men  ; 
in  all  to  the  amount  of  eighteen.  Some  requested  to  be 
parolled  ;  and  the  Ensign  complied  with  their  request  ; 
because  it  was  not  only  reasonable  and  humane,  but 
hecause  also  it  left  him  at  liberty  to  pursue  fresh  objects. 
Some  requested  to  take  the  oath  of  neutrality  ;  and  it 
was  not  less  willingly  administered  to  them. 

The  Rebel  part  of  the  country  was  now  again  in  an 
alarm,  and  the  Ensign  was  again  pursued  and  fought, 
according  to  the  strong  expression  of  Scripture,  "  as  a 
partridge  in  the  mountains."  But  "  wandering  in  de- 
serts, and  in  mountains,  and  in  dens  and  caves  of  the 
earth,"  by  the  blessing  of  God,  he  still  eluded  all  their 
researches.  At  length,  however,  being"  under  a  neces- 
sity of  returning  to  New  York,  he  collected  a  few  more 
of  Burgoyne's  men  ;  and,  having  now  augmented  his 
party  to  thirteen,  he  set  out  for  that  capital.  But  his 
former  good  fortune  now  forsook  him;  and  he  himself 
was  soon  doomed  to  feel  all  those  bitter  calamities, 
from  which  it  had  been  the  object  of  his  exertions  to  ex- 
tricate others. 

On  the  21st  of  July  1780,  it  was  his  ill  hap  to  fall  in 
witli  an  arm}-,  which  the  Rebel  General  J]'aijnc(n)  was 
conducting  to  the  siege  of  The  Bloc/douse,  commanded  by 


NARRATIVE.  29 

Captain  Ward.  Resistance  was  vain,  and  retreat  im- 
practicable. Mr.  Moody,  and  the  greater  part  of  his 
men,  were  now  obliged  to  submit  to  captivity. (i») 

He,  and  two  of  his  men,  were  immediately  sent  to  a 
place  called  The  Slote ;  where  they  were  confined,  witli 
their  hands  tied  behind  their  backs  On  the  22d  they 
were  removed  to  Stony-point;  and  on  the  23d  to  Colonel 
Robertson's  house,  at  Wat-Point.  The  Rebel  General 
Howe, [13)  who  commanded  at  this  post,  treated  Mr. 
Moody  with  great  civility  :  and  permitted  his  servant 
to  attend  him.  From  thence,  he  was  sent  to  Fisk-kUl,  to 
the  Rebel  Commissary  of  prisoners,  who  passed  him  on 
to  JEsopus.  At  JEsojms,  he  remained  till  the  2d  of  Au- 
gust ;  when,  in  the  night,  he  was  put  into  a  strongroom 
guarded  by  four  soldiers,  two  within  the  door,  and  two 
without.  The  Serjeant,  in  the  hearing  of  the  Ensign, 
gave  orders  to  the  sentinels  who  were  in  the  room 
with  him,  to  insist  on  his  lying  down  on  a  bed,  and  in- 
stantly to  shoot  him  if  he  attempted  to  rise  from  it.  On 
this,  he  requested  and  insisted  to  see  the  Commissary. 
The  Commissary  came  ;  and  was  asked,  if  these  orders 
were  from  him  ?  His  answer  was,  "The  Serjeant  had 
done  his  duty  ;  and  he  hoped  the  men  would  obey  their 
orders."  Mr.  Moody  remonstrated,  and  urged,  that  it 
was  no  uncommon  thing  with  him  to  rise  from  his  bed 
in  Ins  sleep  ;  he  requested  therefore  only,  that,  if  he 
should  happen  now  to  be  overtaken  with  such  an  in- 
firmity, the  men  might  be  ordered  to  call  him  by  his 
name,  and  at  least  to  awake  him  before   they  fired.      All 


30  NARRATIVE. 

the  answer  lie  could  obtain,  from  this  tyrant — minion  of 
tyrant-masters,  was  a  cool  and  most  cutting-  repetition 
of  his  former  words. 

After  having  twice  more  changed  the  place  of  his 
confinement,  on  the  10th  of  August  he  was  carried  hack 
to  West-point.  And  here  his  sufferings  seemed  to  be- 
but  beginning  ;  for  the  cruelties  he  experienced,  under 
the  immediate  eye  of  General  Arnold, (u)  who  then  com- 
manded there,  infinitely  exceeded  all  that  he  has  ever 
met  with  before  or  since. 

Nothing  can  be  further  from  Mr.  Moody's  wishes  than 
to  become  any  man's  accuser  ;  but  no  man  should  be 
afraid  either  to  hear,  or  to  tell  the  truth,  which  is  of  no 
party,  and  should  be  observed  by  all.  Humanity,  more- 
over, is  so  lovely  and  necessary  a  virtue,  and  especial!}7 
in  times  of  civil  war,  that  Mr.  Moody  owns  he  is  proud, 
and  loves,  to  acknowledge  and  praise  it,  even  in  an 
enemy;  of  course,  he  must  lament  and  reprobate  the 
want  of  it,  though  in  his  best  friend.  Under  new  mas- 
ters, it  is  hoped,  General  Arnold  has  learned  new  max- 
ims. Compelled  by  truth,  however,  Mr.  Moody  must 
bear  him  testimony,  that  he  was  then  faithful  to  his  em- 
ployers, and  abated  not  an  iota  in  fulfilling  both  the 
letter  and  the  spirit  of  their  general  orders  and  instruc- 
tions. (]5) 

Mr.  Moody  feels  this  to  be  an  unpleasant  part  of  his 
Narrative.  It  is  with  pain  he  pursues  it.  May  it  be 
permitted  him  then  to  give  the  subsequent  part  of  it  in 
the  words  of  an  affidavit,  taken  in  the  Judge-Advocate's 


NARRATIVE. 


31 


Office  at  New  York,  from  the  mouth  of  William  Bnirtis, 
who  was  o  hi  lined  for  his  loyally  in  the  same  prison  with 
Mr.  Moody. 

■•  Judge-Advocate's  Office. 

New  York.  May  11,  1782. 

"This  day  personally  appeared  William  Bnirtis.  a  Refugee 
from  the  county  of  West  Chester,  in  the  province  of  New 
York,  but  now  residing  on  York  Island,  in  the  province  afore- 
said :  and  being  duly  sworn  on  the  Holy  Evangelists  of  Al- 
mighty God.  deposeth  and  saith  : 

"That  some  time  in  the  month  of  August  1780,  he  (the  de- 
ponent) was  confined  in  a  dungeon  at  West-Point  Fort,  under 
sentence  of  death,  having  been  charged  with  giving  certain 
intelligence  and  information  to  General  Matbew.  (]6)  one  of 
his  Britannic  Majesty's  Generals  serving  at  that  time  in  Ameri- 
ca :  that,  about  the  middle  of  the  month  of  August  aforesaid. 
Lieutenant  Janus  Moody,  of  Brigadier  General  Skinner's  first 
batallion,  was  brought  under  guard,  and  confined  in  the  same 
dungeon  with  liim  (the  deponent) :  that,  the  day  following,  he 
(Lieutenant  Moody)  was  put  in  irons  and  hand-cuffed;  that 
the  hand-cuffs  were  of  a  particular  sort  and  construction,  rag- 
ged on  the  inside  next  the  wrist,  which  raggedness  caused  his 
wrists  to  be  much  cut  and  scarified;  that  soon  after  he  (Lieu- 
tenant Moody  j  was  ironed  and  hand-cuffed,  an- officer  came  and 
demanded  his  money,  saying,  "he  was  ordered  to  (alee  what 
money  he  had.  a,al  should  obey  Ins  orders  punctually /"  that  the 
money  was  not  delivered,  as  he  (Lieutenant  Moody)  was  reso- 
lute in  refusing,  and  determined  not  to  give  it  up.  He  (Lieu- 
tenant Moody)  then  petitioned  General  Benedict  Arnold,  at 
that  time  in  the  Rebel  service,  and  Commanding  Officer  at 
West  Point,  to  grant  him  relief;  in  which  petition  he  set  forth 


o2  NARRATIVE. 

the  miserable  situation  he  was  in.  as  also  the  torment  he  suf- 
fered, occasioned  by  the  hand-cuffs  ;  to  which  petition  he  re- 
ceived no  answer,  though  lie  was  told,  by  two  officers  in  the 
Rebel  service,  his  petition  had  been  delivered  to  General 
Arnold. 

"  That  about  a  week  after  his  first  petition  bad  been  sent. 
be  petitioned  a  second  time  for  relief  from  bis  suffering,  re- 
questing moreover  to  be  brought  to  a  trial,  observing,  that  if 
he  should  be  found  guilty  of  death  he  should  desire  to  suffer, 
as  death  was  much  preferable  to  torment,  and  being  murdered 
by  inches.  Some  little  time  after  the  delivery  of  the  second 
petition,  one  of  General  Arnold's  Aids  de  Camps,  whose  name 
he  (the  deponent)  cannot  recollect,  came  to  the  dungeon ; 
and.  on  seeing  him.  (Lieutenant Moody,)  asked,  if  that  was  the 
Moody  whose  name  was  a  terror  to  every  good  man  ?  On  his 
replying  that  bis  name  was  Moody,  he  (the  Aid  de  Cam]')  re- 
plied in  a  scoffing  manner,  "  You  have  not  yourself  into  a  pretty 
situation;"  on  bis  (Lieutenant  Moody's)  saying  the  situation 
was  disagreeable,  but  be  hoped  it  would  not  be  of  long  con- 
tinuance ;  he  answered,  be  believed  not,  as  be  would  soon 
meet  with  justice  (pointing  at  the  same  time  to  a  gallows  that 
was  erected  in  the  sight  and  view  of  the  dungeon)  ;  and  also 
added,  there  is  the  gallows  ready  erected  which  he  (meaning 
Moody)  had  long  merited.  Lieutenant  Moody  answered,  be 
made  no  doubt  be  (the  Aid  de  Camp)  wished  to  see  every 
Loyal  Subject  hanged,  but  lie  thanked  God,  the  power  was  not 
in  him;  hut  if  he  (Lieutenant  Moody)  was  hanged,  it  could  be 
tor  no  other  reason  than  being  a  Loyal  Subject  to  one  of  the 
best  of  Kings,  and  under  one  of  the  best  of  Governments  :  and 
added,  if  he  had  fen  lives  to  lose,  lie  would  sooner  forfeit  the 
ten  as  a  Loyal  Subject  than  one  as  a  Rebel  ;  and  also  said,  he 
hoped  to  live  to  see   him  (the  Aid   de  Camp),  anil  a  thousand 


NARRATIVE.  66 

such  other  villains  hanged  for  being  Rebels.  The  officer  then 
said  he  \vas  sent  to  examine  his  irons,  as  he  (Lieutenant 
Moody)  had  been  frequently  troubling  General  Arnold  with 
his  petitions.  On  examining  the  irons,  he  said  they  u-ere  too 
bud  ;  and  asked,  who  put  them  on  '. — saying.  '  Irons  were  in- 
tended for  security,  not  for  torment :  but  if  any  one  merited  such 
irons,  he  (Lieutenant  Mood y)  did  in  his  opinion.'  Lieutenant 
Moody,  however,  was  not  relieved  at  that  time  from  his  irons  ; 
but,  about  a  week  or  ten  days  afterwards,  an  officer  came 
from  General  Washington,  ordered  the  irons  to  be  taken  off, 
and  Lieutenant  Moody  to  be  better  treated.  In  consequence 
of  General  Washington's  order,  he  was  better  used  :  that  he. 
(the  deponent)  knows  nothing  farther  that  happened,  as  he 
(Lieutenant  Moody,)  in  a  few  days  afterwards,  was  removed 

from  that  place. 

••  William  Bfirtis.i \-) 

"Sworn  before  meat  the  time  and  place  above  mentioned, 
"  Richard  Porter, 

As.  Dy.  Judge-Advocate." 

The  above-mentioned  dungeon  was  dug  out  of  a  rock. 
and  covered  with  a  platform  of  planks  badly  jointed. 
without  any  roof  to  it  ;  and  all  the  rain  which  fell  upon 
it  immediately  passed  through,  and  lodged  in  the  b  >t- 
tom  of  this  dismal  mansion.  It  had  no  floor  but  the 
natural  rock  ;  and  the  water,  with  the  mud  and  filth 
collected,  was  commonly  ankle-deep  in  every  part  of  it. 
Mr.  Moody's  bed  was  an  old  door,  supported  by  four 
stones,  so  as  just  to  raise  it  above  the  surface  of  the 
water.  Here  he  continued  near  four  weeks  ;  and,  dur- 
ing   most  of  the   time,  while  he  was   tormented    with 


3  4  NARRATIVE. 

irons  in  the  manner  mentioned  above,  no  food  was  al- 
lowed him  but  stinking-  beef,  and  rotten  flour,  made  np 
into  balls  or  dumplins,  which  were  thrown  into  a  kettle 
and  boiled  with  the  meat,  and  then  brought  to  him  in  a 
wooden  bowl  which  was  never  washed,  and  which  con- 
tracted a  thick  crust  of  dough,  grease,  and  dirt.  It  is 
a  wonder  that  such  air,  and  such  food,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  wou  ds  upon  his  legs  and  wrists,  were  not  fatal 
to  him,  especially  as  the  clothes  on  his  back  were  sel- 
dom dry,  and  at  one  time  were  continually  wet  for  more 
than  a  week  together.  .After  Mr.  Washington  interfered 
he  was  served  with  wholesome  provisions,  and  he  was 
allowed  to  purchase  for  himself  some  milk  and  veget- 
ables. 

The  ways  of  Providence  are  often  mysterious,  fre- 
quently bringing  about  its  ends  by  the  must  unlikely 
means.  To  this  inhuman  treatment  in  General  Arnold's 
camp,  Mr.  Mood}"  owed  his  future  safety.  On  the  1st 
of  September  he  was  carried  to  Washington's  camp,  and 
there  confined  near  their  Liberty-pole.  Colonel  Skam- 
mel,(ia)  the  Adjutant  General,  came  to  see  him  put  in 
irons.  When  they  had  hand-cuffed  him,  he  remonstrated 
with  the  Colonel,  desiring  that  his  legs,  which  were  in- 
deed in  a  worse  situation  than  even  his  wrists,  might 
be  examined  ;  farther  adding  only,  that  death  would  be 
infinitely  preferable  to  a  repetition  of  the  torments  lie 
had  just  undergone.  The  Colonel  did  examine  his  legs  ; 
and,  on  seeing  them,  he  also  acknowledged,  that  his 
treatment  had  indeed  been  too  bad  ;  and  asked,  if  Gen- 


ESSSs 


GENERAL    WASHINGTON. 


NARRATIVE.  35 

eral  Arnold  had  been  made  acquainted  with  his  situa- 
tion. Mr.  Moody  feels  a  sincere  pleasure  in  thus  pub- 
licly acknowledging  his  obligations  and  his  gratitude 
to  Colonel  Skammel,  who  humanely  gave  orders  to  the 
Provost  Marshal  to  take  good  care  of  him,  and  by  i:u 
means  to  suffer  any  irons  to  be  put  on  his  legs,  till  they 
were  likely  to  prove  less  distressing. 

Mr.  Moody  attended  the  rebel  army  in  its  march  over 
the  Nets  Bridge;  and  bad  an  opportunity  of  observing 
their  whole  line,  and  counting  their  artillery.  Every- 
thing seemed  smooth  and  fair,  and  he  felt  himself  much 
at  ease,  in  the  prospect  of  being  soon  exchanged  ;  when, 
very  unexpectedly,  he  was  visited  by  an  old  acquaint- 
ance, tine  of  their  Colonels,  who  informed  him,  that  he 
was  in  two  days  time  to  be  brought  to  trial  ;  that 
Livingston  was  to  be  his  prosecutor,  and  that  the  Court 
Martial  was  carefully  picked  for  the  purpose.  He  sub- 
joined, that  he  would  do  well  to  prepare  for  Eternity, 
since,  from  the  evidence  which  he  knew  would  be  pro- 
duced, there  was  but  one  issue  of  the  business  to  be  ex- 
pected. Mr.  Moody  reqneste  to  be  informed,  what  it 
was  the  purpose  of  this  evidence  to  prove  ?  it  was,  his 
well  wisher  told  him,  that  he  had  assassinated  a  Cap- 
tain Shaddock,  and  a  Lieutenant  Hendrickson.  These 
were  the  two  officers  who  had  fallen  fairly  in  battle  near 
Black  Point,  as  has  been  already  related.  The  Ensigu 
replied,  that  he  felt  himself  much  at  ease  on  that  ac- 
count, as  it  could  be  sufficiently  cleared  up  by  their 
own  people,    who  had  been   in,  and  had   survived,  the 


36  NARRATIVE. 

action,  as  well  as  by  some  of  their  officers,  who  were  at 
the  time  prisoners  to  him,  and  spectators  of  the  whole 
affair.  "  All  this,"  said  his  friend,  "  will  be  of  little 
avail ;  you  are  so  obnoxious ;  \'ou  have  been,  and  are 
likely  to  be,  so  mischievous  to  us,  that,  be  assured,  we 
are  resolved  to  get  rid  of  you  at  any  rate.  Besides, 
you  cannot  deny,  and  it  can  be  proved  by  incontestible 
evidence,  that  you  have  enlisted  men,  in  this  Slate,  for 
the  King's  service,  and  this,  by  our  laws,  is  death." 

Ensign  Moody  affected  an  air  of  unconcern  at  this  in- 
formation ;  but  it  was  too  serious  and  important  to  him  to 
be  really  disregarded  ;  he  resolved,  therefore,  from  that 
moment,  to  effect  his  escape,  or  to  perish  in  the  attempt. 

Every  precaution  had  been  taken  to  secure  the  place 
in  which  he  was  confined.  It  was  nearly  in  the 
centre  of  the  rebel  camp.  A  sentinel  was  placed  with 
in  the  door  of  his  prison,  and  another  without,  besides 
four  others  close  round,  and  within  a  few  yards  of  the 
place.  The  time  now  came  on  when  he  must  either 
make  his  attempt,  or  lose  the  opportunity  for  ever.  On 
the  night,  therefore,  of  the  17th  of  September,  busy  in 
ruminating  on  his  project,  he  had,  on  the  pretence  of 
being  cold,  got  a  watch-coat  thrown  across  his  shoulders, 
that  he  might  better  conceal,  from  his  unpleasant  com- 
panion, the  operations  which  he  meditated  against  his 
hnnd-cuffs.  While  he  was  racking  his  invention,  to 
find  some  possible  means  of  extricating  himself  from 
his  fetters,  he  providentially  cast  his  eye  on  a  post  fast- 
ened in   the  ground,  through  which   an    hole  had   been 


NARRATIVE.  37 

bored  with  an  auger  ;  and  it  occured  to  him  that  it 
might  be  possible,  with  the  aid  of  this  hole,  to  break 
the  bolt  of  his  handcuffs.  Watching  the  opportunity, 
therefore,  from  time  to  time,  of  the  sentinel's  looking 
another  way,  he  thrust  the  point  of  the  bolt  into  the 
above-mentioned  hole,  and  by  cautiously  exerting  his 
strength,  and  gradually  bending  the  iron  backwards 
and  forwards,  he  at  length  broke  it.  Let  the  reader 
imagine  what  his  sensations  were,  when  he  found  the 
manacles  drop  from  his  hands  !  He  sprung  instantly 
past  the  interior  sentinel,  and  rushing  on  the  next,  with 
one  hand  he  seized  his  musquet,  and  with  the  other 
struck  him  to  the  ground.  The  sentinel  within,  and  the 
four  others  who  were  placed  by  the  fence  surrounding 
the  place  of  his  confinement,  immediately  gave  the 
alarm  ;  and,  in  a  moment,  the  cry  was  general, — 
"Moody  is  escaped  from  the  Provost.'1  It  is  impossible 
to  describe  the  uproar  which  now  took  place  throughout 
the  whole  camp.  In  a  few  minutes  every  man  was  in  a 
bustle  ;  every  man  was  looking  for  Moody,  and  multi- 
tudes passed  him  on  all  sides — little  suspecting,  that  a 
man  whom  they  saw  deliberately  marching  along,  with 
a  musket  on  his  shoulder,  could  be  the  fugitive  they 
were  in  quest  of.  The  darkness  of  the  night,  which 
was  also  blustering  and  drizzly,  prevented  any  discrimi- 
nation of  his  person,  and  was  indeed  the  great  circum- 
stance that  rendered  his  escape  possible. 

But  no  small  difficulty  still  remained  to  be  surmount- 
ed.    To  prevent  desertion,  which  at  that  time,  was  very 


38  NARRATIVE. 

frequent,  Washington  Lad  surrounded  his  camp  with  a 
chain  of  sentinels,  posted  at  about  forty  er  fifty  yards 
distance  from  each  other  ;  lie  was  unacquainted  with 
their  stations  ;  to  pass  them  undiscovered  was  next  to 
impossible  ;  and  to  be  discovered  would  certainly  be 
fatal.  In  this  dilemma  Providence  again  befriended 
him.  He  had  gained  their  station  without  knowing  it, 
when  luckily  he  heard  the  watch-word  passed  from  one 
to  another — "  Look  sharp  to  the  chain — Mood}'  is  es- 
caped from  the  Provost."  From  the  sound  of  the  voices 
he  ascertained  the  respective  situations  of  these  senti- 
nels ;  and,  throwing  himself  on  his  hands  and  knees, 
lie  was  happy  enough  to  crawl  through  the  vacant  space 
between  two  of  them,  unseen  by  either.  Judging  that 
their  line  of  pursuit  would  naturally  be  towards  the 
British  army,  he  made  a  detour  into  the  woods  on  the 
opposite  side.  Through  these  woods  he  made  as  much 
speed  as  the  darkness  of  the  night  would  permit,  steer- 
ing his  course,  after  the  Indian  manner,  by  occasionally 
groping  and  feeling  the  while-oak.  On  the  south  side 
the  bark  of  this  tree  is  rough  and  unpleasant  to  the 
touch,  but  on  the  north  side  it  is  smooth  ;  hence  it  serves 
the  sagacious  traverser  of  the  desart,  by  night  as  well 
as  by  day,  for  his  compass.  Through  the  most  distant 
woods  and  swamps  he  continued  to  wander  till  the 
night  of  the  21st,  a  space  of  more  than  fifty-six  hours, 
dining  which  time,  he  had  no  other  sustenance  than  a 
few  bench  leaves  (which,  of  all  that  the  woods  afforded, 
were  the  least    unpleasant    to    the    taste,  and    least   per- 


NARRATIVE.  30 

niciuus  to  health,)  which  he  chewed  and  swallowed,  to 
abate  the  intolerable  cravings  of  his  hunger. 

In  every  inhabited  district  he  knew  there  were  friends 
of  Government,  and  he  had  now  learned  also  where  and 
how  to  find  them  out,  without  endangering'  their  safety, 
which  was  always  the  first  object  of  his  concern.  From 
some  of  these  good  men  he  received  minute  information 
how  the  pursuit  after  him  was  directed,  and  where  every 
guard  was  posted.  Thus  assisted,  he  eluded  their  keen- 
est vigilance  ;  and,  at  length,  by  God's  blessing,  to  his 
unspeakable  joy,  he  arrived  safe  at  Paidus-Hook. 

On  the  6th  of  March  1781,  Colonel  Delancey.(i9)  the 
Adjutant  General,  requested  Mr.  Moody  to  make  an  ex- 
pedition into  the  rebel  country,  for  the  purpose  of  inter- 
cepting Mr.  Washington's  dispatches.  He  readily  con- 
sented ;  and  set  out  on  the  expedition  the  very  next 
night,  and  travelled  about  twenty-five  miles.  The  fol- 
lowing day  he  and  his  party  kept  concealed  in  a  swamp. 
The  next  night,  for  it  was  only  by  night  that  they  could 
venture  to  stir,  they  had  not  gone  far,  when  the  man 
who  had  undertaken  to  be  their  guide,  refused  to  ad- 
vance a  step  farther.  No  arguments,  no  promises,  no 
threats,  could  prevail  with  him  to  proceed,  though  it 
was  at  his  own  express  desire  that  he  was  one  of  the 
party.  Incensed  at  his  being  so  perverse  and  wrong- 
headed,  Mr.  Moody,  in  the  first  transports  of  indigna- 
tion, had  actually  cocked  his  gun  in  order  to  shoot  him  ; 
but  happily  he  instantly  recollected,  that  the  poor  devil 
had  a  wife  and  family  who  depended  on  him  for  bread. 


■40  NARRATIVE. 

This  restrained  him  ;  and  ordering  his  anus  to  be  taken 
from  him,  he  was  under  the  painful  necessity  of  return- 
ing with  him  to  New-York. 

Tin's  man  was  remarkably  earnest  and  vehement  in 
his  resentment  against  the  Rebels.  He  had  been  much 
injured  by  them  in  his  property  ;  and  they  had  also  put 
both  his  father  and  his  brother  to  an  ignominious  death. 
It  was  natural  to  suppose,  therefore,  that  such  a  man 
would  be  true  and  firm.  But  he  was  loyal  only  through 
resentment  and  interest,  not  from  conviction  and  prin- 
ciple. These  Loyalists,  from  principle,  were  the  men 
on  whom  he  relied  :  and  no  one  of  these  ever  tailed 
him. 

The  Adjutant  General  seemed  to  be  much  disappoint- 
ed on  seeing  the  party  return,  supposing  the  hope  of 
obtaining  the  dispatches  to  be  now  vain.  Mr.  Moody 
informed  him  of  what  had  happened  ;  but  added,  that 
he  had  ever  sinCe  kept  his  eye  on  the  renegade,  and 
had  not  suffered  a  soul  to  speak  to  him  ;  and  lequested 
that  this  caution  should  be  still  continued,  and  that 
even  the  sentry,  who  was  to  guard  him,  should  not  be 
permitted  to  have  any  intercourse  with  him.  On  this 
condition  he  promised  again  to  make  the  attempt,  and 
hoped  not  without  success.  Accordingly,  he  set  out  a 
second  time,  and,  on  the  night  of  the  10th  he  reached 
Haverstraw  mountains.  On  his  inarch  he  was  informed, 
that  the  post  had  gone  by  that  day.  On  the  11th  the 
weather  became  very  inclement,  and  he,  with  his  party, 
suffered   exceedingly   from   a    heavy   fall  of  snow  ;   not- 


NARRATIVE.  41 

withstanding,  they  pushed  forward,  hoping",  by  rapid 
marches,  to  get  a-head  of  the  rider.  Those  efforts, 
though  excessively  fatiguing",  were  as  yet  all  in  vain  ; 
but  on  the  15th  they  were  successful,  and  got  posses- 
sion of  their  prize  ;  and,  after  some  equally7  difficult  and 
distressing  inarches  on  their  return,  they  at  length  ar- 
rived safe  with  it  in  New  York.  The  inexpressible 
hardships  which  the  party  underwent  in  this  adventure, 
both  from  hunger  and  cold,  were  fatal  to  the  health  of 
most  of  them.  Soon  after  Mr.  Moody  was  made  a 
Lieutenant,  having  first  served  more  than  a  year  as  a 
volunteer  without  any  pa}-,  and  almost  three  years  as 
an  Ensign. 

About  the  middle  of  May  the  Adjutant  General  again 
complained  of  the  want  of  intelligence,  and  told  Lieu- 
tenant Moody,  that  he  could  not  render  the  Kind's 
cause  a  more  essential  piece  of  service  than  by  bringing 
in,  if  it  were  possible,  another  rebel  mail.  There  was 
no  declining  such  a  solicitation.  Therefore,  on  the 
night  of  the  15th,  taking  four  men  with  him,  Mr.  Moody- 
set  out,  and  travelled  twenty-five  miles.  Hitherto  he 
and  his  associates  met  with  no  molestation  ;  but  they 
had  not  gone  far  the  next  night,  when  they  perceived  a 
considerable  party  of  men  approaching  them  as  secretly 
as  possible.  Mr.  Moody  tried  to  get  off  by  the  left,  but 
he  found  himself  and  his  part}-  inclosed  on  three  sides. 
On  the  right  was  a  high  cliff  of  rocks,  so  rugged  and 
steep  that  the  enemy  thought  it  impossible  for  them  to 
escape  on  that  side.     It   was  obvious,  from  these  cir- 


42  NARRATIVE. 

cumstances,  that  an  ambush  was  laid,  and  that  this 
spot,  so  peculiarly  convenient,  was  chosen  for  the  pur- 
pose ;  in  short,  that  Mr.  Moody  and  his  party  had  been  be- 
trayed by  intelligence  sent  forward  from  New  York. 
The  only  alternative  left  was  to  surrender  and  perish, 
or  to  leap  down  from  the  top  of  these  rocks,  without 
knowing-,  with  any  certainty,  either  how  high  they 
were,  or  what  sort  of  ground  was  at  the  bottom.  The 
Lieutenant  bade  his  men  follow  him,  and  sprang  for- 
ward. Providentially  the  ground  at  the  bottom  was 
soft,  and  everything  else  just  as  they  could  have  wished 
it :  they  escaped  unhurt,  and  proceeded  for  some  time 
unmolested.  But,  at  no  great  distance,  crossing  a 
swamp,  just  beyond  it  they  fell  in  with  another  party, 
of  much  the  same  number  as  the  former.  Luckily  they 
saw,  and  were  not  seen.  A  little  hillock  was  at  hand, 
to  which  the  Lieutenant  ordered  his  men  quietly  to  re- 
treat, and  fall  on  their  faces  ;  judging  that,  in  case  they 
were  discovered,  there  would  be  some  advantage  in 
having-  to  charge  from  higher  ground,  by  which  means, 
if  at  all,  they  might  cut  their  way  through  the  party. 
What  he  and  his  men  felt,  when  they  beheld  so  superior 
a  force  marching  directly  towards  them,  till  at  last  they 
were  within  fifty  yards  ;  or,  when,  in  this  awful  moment, 
the}'  had  the  happiness  to  see  them,  without  being  dis- 
covered, take  another  course  ;  no  person  of  sensibility 
will  need  be  told.  A  little  council  of  war  was  now  held, 
and  it  was  determined  to  return  whither  only  the  way 
seemed  clear.     To  advance  was  impracticable,  as  there 


NARRATIVE.  43 

now  could  remain  not  a  doubt  but  that  intelligence  of 
the  intended  route  had  been  sent  from  within  the  British 
lines,  and  that  the  enemy  had  made  a  proper  use  of  it. 
They  began,  therefore,  with  all  possible  caution,  to 
measure  back  their  steps  ;  for  they  were  still  apprehen- 
sive of  other  plots  and  other  ambushes. 

And  now,  having  gained  the  North  River,  and  being 
within  four  miles  of  New  York,  they  flattered  themselves 
they  were  once  more  out  of  danger.  But,  being  with- 
in a  hundred  yards  of  a  certain  house,  how  were  they 
alarmed  when  they  saw  seventy  men  come  out  of  it,  and 
advance  directly  towards  them  !  Lieutenant  Moody  was 
convinced  they  were  Rebels  ;  but  the  guide  insisted  that 
they  were  Loyalists,  and  that  he  knew  several  of  them.  On 
this,  the  latter,  with  another  man,  went  forward  to  meet 
them,  notwithstanding  that  the  former  still  persisted  in  his 
opinion.  A  very  unpleasant  salute  soon  convinced  this 
unfortunate  duumvirate  of  their  mistaken  confidence.  The 
main  body  made  for  the  Lieutenant,  who  had  no  other 
means  of  escape  than  to  climb  a  steep  hill  ;  but,  long  before 
he  had  reached  the  summit,  they  had  so  gained  on  him  as 
to  be  within  fifty  yards.  He  received  one  general  discharge, 
and  thought  it  little  short  of  a  miracle  that  he  escaped 
unwounded.  The  bullets  flew  like  a  storm  of  hail  all  around 
him  ;  his  clothes  were  shot  through  in  several  places  ;  one 
ball  went  through  his  hat,  and  another  grazed  his  arm. 
Without  at  all  slackening  his  pace  he  turned  round,  and 
discharged  his  musquet,  and  by  this  shot  killed  one  of  his 
pursuers  :  still  they  kept  up  their  fire,  each  man  discharging 


44  NARRATIVE. 

his  piece  :is  last  as  lie  could  load  ;  but,  gaining  an  oppor- 
tunity of  sunn  doubling  upon  them,  he  gave  them  the  slip, 
and  in  due  time  arrived,  once  more,  -ate  in  New  York. 
One  of  the  two  men  who  had  escaped,  and  got  in  first,  mis- 
taking the  screams  of  the  poor  fellow  who  was  shot,  for 
those  of  Lieutenant  Moody  himself,  had  given  out  that  the 
Lieutenant  was  killed,  tor  that  he  had  heard  his  cries  ;  but 
the  friends  of  the  latter  were  soon  happy  to  see  so  unequi- 
vocal a  proof  that  the  man  was  mistaken. 

The  very  first  night  after  his  return  to  New  York,  as 
above  related,  viz.,  on  the  18th  of  May,  Lieutenant  Moody 
set  out  again  on  the  business  (if  this  expedition.  The 
Rebels  knew  that  he  had  been  driven  back,  and  he  thought 
it  the  properest  time  to  proceed  immediately  in  pursuit  of 
his  object.  On  that  night,  with  his  small  party  of  four 
meu,  he  got  as  far  as  Secaucas.  The  next  night  they 
crossed  the  Hackinsack  river,  by  means  of  a  canoe  which 
Lieutenant  Moody  always  kept  there  for  such  purposes,  and 
which,  after  crossing,  lie  concealed  till  his  return.  He  then 
proceeded  on,  till,  coming  to  the  edge  of  a  marsh,  he  fell  in 
with  a  party  of  Rebels,  who  were  patrolling  in  that  quarter, 
with  a  view  only,  it  is  probable,  of  intercepting  the  country 
people  who  might  be  carrying  provisions  to  New  York. 
This  party  discovered  the  Lieutenant  first,  without  being 
seen,  and  suffered  him  to  pass  their  van.  not  hailing  him  till 
some  of  them  were  in  his  rear,  as  well  as  some  in  his  front. 
He  was  ordered  instantly  to  stand,  or  he  and  all  with  him 
were  dead  men.  This  summons  the  Lieutenant  answered 
by  an  immediate  discharge,  which  they  returned.     He  then 


NARRATIVE.  45 

calling  on  his  rear  to  advance,  a?  if  he  had  a  large  body  in 
reserve,  and  giving  a  second  fire,  they  soon  dispersed.  He 
was  informed  the  next  day,  that  tins  rebel  party  consisted 
of  twelve  men. 

Marching  on  about  four  miles  farther,  he  came  to  Saddle 
River,  which  it  was  necessary  to  cross  ;  but  apprehensive 
that  there  might  lie  a  guard  stationed  at  the  bridge,  though 
the  night  was  dismally  dark  and  rainy,  and  the  river  had 
greatly  overflowed  its  banks,  he  waded,  for  several  yards, 
through  a  considerable  depth  of  water,  till  he  got  close  to 
the  bridge,  where  he  saw,  as  he  had  feared,  a  regular  guard. 
On  this  he  retreated  with  all  possible  speed  and  caution  ; 
and  was  obliged  to  wade  through  the  river,  about  half  a 
mile  farther  up,  not  without  much  difficulty  and  danger. 

The  country  being  now  much  alarmed  with  rumors  of 
Moody's  being  out.  occasioned  by  this  little  rencontre,  the 
mail,  instead  of  being  sent  by  Pompton,  as  it  usually  had 
been,  and  where  it  was  expected  to  be  met  with,  was  now 
sent  by  the  back  road,  with  a  guard  to  secure  it.  On  dis- 
covering this,  the  Lieutenant  dispatched  a  trusty  Loyalist 
to  a  distant  part  of  the  province,  with  letters  to  his  friends  ; 
and  particularly  directing  one  of  them,  whose  person, 
figure  and  voice  most  resembled  his  own,  to  pass  for  him  but 
a  single  hour  ;  which  he  readily  did.  In  this  friend's  neigh- 
bourhood lived  a  pompons  and  important  Justice  of  a  Peace, 
who  was  a  cowardly  fellow,  and  of  course  had  been  cruel. 
At  this  man's  house,  early  in  the  evening,  the  person 
employed  raised  an  alarm.  The  Justice  came  out,  and 
espying,  as  it  was   intended   he  should,  a  tall  man,  his  fears 


4t>  NARRATIVE. 

convinced  him  it  was  Moodv  ;  and  he  instantly  betook  hiiu- 
self  to  the  woods.  The  next  day  the  mm  our  was  general, 
that  Moody  was  in  that  part  of  the  country  ;  and  the 
militia  was  brought  down  from  the  part  where  iie  really 
was,  to  pursue  him  where  lie  was  not.  This  facilitated  the 
capture  of  the  mail,  which  he  waylaid  for  five  days  before 
the  opportunity  presented.  This  mail  contained  all  the  dis- 
patches that  were  sent  in  consequence  of  the  interview 
between  General  Washington  and  the  count  Rocham- 
beau  (a»)  in  Connecticut.15 

Lieutenant  Moody  caused  two  other  mails  to  be  taken 
by  the  people  under  his  direction.  In  one  of  these  little 
expeditions  his  brother  commanded,  a  young  man,  whose 
fearless  courage,  in  the  very  teeth  of  danger,  he  had  re- 
peatedly witnessed.  The  younger  Moody  succeeded  in  his 
attempt,  so  far  as  to  intercept  the  mail  ;  but,  after  seizing 
it,  he  was  attacked  by  a  superior  parry,  and  two  of  his  men 
were  taken  ;  yet  he  himself  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape, 
with  that  part  of  the  papers  which  was  in  his  own  custody. 
Pennsylvania  was  the  scene  of  this  enterprise. 

A  tale  far  more  melancholy  than  any  yet  related  comes 
now  to  be  told  ;  the  recollection  of  which  (anil  it  is  impos- 
sible he  should  ever  forget  it)  will  forever  wring  with  anguish 

(b)  A  few  days  after  this  Genl.  Clinton  told  him,  that  the  Letters  were 
of  great  consequence,  that  the  taking  of  them  was  a  most  important 
service.  Cut  that  he  had  now  done  enough;  that  he  would  not  suffer 
him  to  venture  himself  in  any  more  of  such  hazardous  enterprises;  and 
that  he  would  take  care  to  provide  for  him.  Mr.  Moody  does  not  doubt 
hut  that  he  then  intended  it ;  hut  these  and  his  other  Intentions  seldom 
lasted  longer  than  the  day. 


NARRATIVE.  47 

the  heart  of  the  Writer  of  this  Narrative.  In  the  end  of 
October  1781,  Major  Beckwith,  Aid  de  Camp  to  General 
Kniphausen,(ai)  came  and  informed  Lieutenant  Moody,  that 
one  Addison  had  been  with  him,  on  a  project  of  high 
moment.  It  was  nothing-  less  than  to  bring-  off  the  most 
important  books  and  papers  of  Congress.  Tin's  Addison 
was  au  Englishman,  and  had  been  employed  in  some 
inferior  department,  under  Mr.  Thompson,  the  Secretary  to 
the  Congress. (22)  He  was  then  a  prisoner  ;  and  the  plan 
was,  that  he  should  be  immediately  exchanged,  return  in 
the  usual  manner  to  Philadelphia,  and  there  resume  his  old 
employment.  The  Lieutenant  was  abundantly  careful,  and 
even  scrupulous,  in  his  inquiries  concerning  the  man's 
character  ;  on  which  head  Major  Beckwith  expressed  the 
most  entire  confidence  ;  and  observed,  that  Addison  was 
equally  cautious  respecting  the  characters  of  those  who 
were  to  attend  him. 

The  matter  was  of  importance  ;  and  Lieutenant  Moody 
was  confident  that,  though  it  might  be  difficult  to  perform 
his  part  of  the  business,  yet  it  was  not  impracticable.  He 
resolved,  however,  as  Addison  might  think  him  an  object 
worth  betraying,  that  he  should  not  be  informed  of  his  con- 
senting to  be  of  the  party.  If  any  other  person  did  inform 
him  of  it,  he  was,  to  say  the  least,  very  imprudent.  The 
Lieutenant  pitched  upon  his  only  brother,  of  whom  some 
mention  has  already  been  made,  and  another  faithful  Ameri- 
can soldier,  for  this  arduous  enterprise.  Their  first  instruc- 
tions were  to  wait  on  Addison,  and  to  bind  him,  as  they 
themselves   had  just  been   bound,   to  mutual    secrecy  and 


48  NARRATIVE. 

fidelity,  by  an  oath,  which  the  Lieutenant  had  always 
administered  to  his  followers  in  all  his  expeditions,  when  the 
importance  of  the  object  rendered  such  an  additional  tie 
necessary  ;  and  which,  as  it  clearly  shews  the  principles  of 
honour  and  humanity  on  which  it  was  his  uniform  pride  and 
purpose  to  act,  he  begs  leave  here  to  subjoin,  and  it  is  as 
follows  ;  viz. 

"  I,  the  undersigned  A.B.  do  solemnly  swear,  on  the  Holy 
Evangelists  of  Almighty  God,  that  I  will  stand  by  and  be  true 
to  the  persons  joined  with  me  in  this  expedition,  and  do  every 
thing  in  my  power  to  accomplish  the  purposes  of  it :  and  I  do 
farther  swear,  that,  in  case  of  our  taking  any  prisoners,  I  will 
do  my  endeavour  to  treat  them  as  well  as  our  situation  will 
admit  of:  and  I  do  farther  swear,  that,  in  ease  any  accident 
should  happen  to  me,  and  that  I  should  be  taken,  I  will  not, 
even  to  save  life,  discover  or  betray  any  person  joined  with 
me,  or  any  Loyalist  who  may  befriend  us  with  any  information, 
advice,  or  other  assistance:  and  I  do  farther  swear,  that  I  will 
not  injure  nor  destroy  any  property  even  of  a  rebel,  unless  it 
be  arms  or  ammunition,  but  faithtully  pay  the  full  price  of 
anything  we  take  from  them,  if  they  refuse  to  sell  it :  and  I 
do  farther  swear,  that  I  will  not  wound  nor  take  away  the  life 
of  any  person  whatever,  unless  they  sboukl  attempt  an  escape 
when  in  our  custody,  or  it  shall  otherwise  he  absolutely  neces- 
sary for  our  own  defence.     So  help  me  God." 

After  taking  this  oath,  a  certain  number  of  nights  was 
agreed  on  in  which  Addison  was  to  expect  them  ;  and  a 
certain  place  also  appointed,  where  he  was  to  nicer  them. 
In  such  an  adventure,  it  was  impossible  to  be  exact   to  any 


NARRATIVE.  49 

time  ;  but  it  was  agreed,  that  if  they  failed  of  being  at  the 
place  in  any  of  the  specified  nights,  he  should  no  longer 
expect  them  ;  and  they  farther  promised,  by  proper  means, 
to  apprise  him,  if  possible,  if  any  accident  should  befal 
them,  so  as  either  to  delay,  or  wholly  put  an  end  to  their 
project. 

Things  being  thus  settled,  Addison  left  New  York  in  due 
form  and  manner,  as  was  generally  supposed,  in  order  to 
return  to  his  former  friends  and  employment  ;  and,  at  the 
proper  time,  Lieutenant  Moody  and  his  friends  followed 
him.  The  manner  and  circumstances  of  their  march,  it  is 
not  material  nor  proper  here  to  relate  :  suffice  it  to  say, 
that,  on  the  night  of  the  1th  of  November,  the  first  in  the 
order  of  those  that  had  been  appointed,  they  arrived  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Philadelphia,  but  on  the  opposite  side  of 
the  river.  They  found  Addison  already  on  the  spot,  wait- 
ing for  them,  acccording  to  appointment.  Lieutenant 
Moody  kept  a  little  back,  at  such  a  distance  as  not  to  have 
his  person  distinguished,  yet  so  as  to  be  within  hearing  of 
the  conversation  that  passed.  His  brother,  and  Marr  his 
associate,  on  going  up  to  Addison,  found  him  apparently 
full  of  confidence,  and  in  high  spirits  ;  and  everything 
seemed  to  promise  success.  He  told  them,  that  their  plot 
was  perfectly  ripe  for  execution  ;  that  he  had  secured  the 
means  of  admission  into  the  most  private  recesses  of  the 
State-house,  so  that  he  should  be  able  the  next  evening  to 
deliver  to  them  the  papers  they  were  in  quest  of.  They,  on 
their  parts,  assured  him,  that  every  necessary  precaution  had 
been  taken  to  secure  and  expedite  their  retreat  ;  and  that 


50  NARRATIVE. 

they  had  with  them  a  sure  friend,  who  would  wait  for  them 

on  that  side  of  the  river,  who,  as  well  as  themselves,  would 
die  by  his  side,  rather  than  desert  him,  should  any  disaster 
befal  them.  He  replied,  that  they  should  find  him  as  true 
and  faithful  to  thern  and  their  cause,  as  they  themselves 
could  possibly  be.  Soon  after  they  crossed  the  river 
together  to  Philadelphia  ;  and  it  is  probable  that,  on  the 
passage,  Addison  was  for  the  first  time  informed,  that  this 
friend  was  Lieutenaut  Moody.  Whether  it.  was  this  dis- 
covery that  put  it  first  into  his  head,  or  whether  he  had  all 
along  intended  it,  and  had  already  taken  the  necessary  pre- 
vious steps,  the  Lieutenant  cannot  certainly  say  ;  but  he 
assures  himself,  that  every  generous-minded  man  will  be 
shocked  when  he  reads,  that  this  perfidious  wretch  had 
either  sold,  or  was  about  to  sell  them  to  the  Congress. 

As  the  precise  time  in  which  they  should  be  able  to 
execute  their  plan  could  not  be  ascertained,  it  was  agreed 
that  Lieutenant  Moody  should  remain  at  the  Ferry-house, 
opposite  to  Philadelphia,  till  they  returned.  On  going  into 
the  house,  he  told  the  mistress  of  it,  by  a  convenient  equivo- 
cation, that  he  was  an  officer  of  the  Jersey  Brigade,  as  he 
really  was,  though  of  that  Jersey  Brigade  which  was  in  the 
King's  service.  The  woman  understood  him  as  speaking  of 
a  rebel  corps,  which  was  also  called  the  Jersey  Brigade. 
To  avoid  notice,  he  pretended  to  be  indisposed  ;  and,  going 
up  stairs,  lie  threw  himself  upon  a  bed,  and  here  continued 
to  keep  his  room,  but  always  awake,  and  always  on  the 
watch.  Next  morning,  about  11  o'clock,  he  sawr  a  man 
walk  hastily  up  to  the  house,  and  overheard   him   telling 


XAKRATIVE.  51 

some  person  lie  met  at  the  door,  that  "  there  was  the  devil 
to  pay  in  Philadelphia  ;  that  there  had  been  a  plot  to 
break  into  the  State-house,  but  that  one  of  the  party  had 
betrayed  the  others  :  that  two  were  already  taken  ;  and 
that  a  party  of  soldiers  had  just  crossed  the  river  with  him, 
to  seize  their  lender,  who  was  said  to  be  thereabouts."  The 
Lieutenant  felt  himself  to  be  too  nearly  interested  iu  this 
intelligence,  any  longer  to  keep  up  the  appearance  of  a  sick 
man  ;  and.  seizing  his  pistols,  he  instantly  ran  down  stairs, 
and  made  his  escape. 

He  had  not  got  a  hundred  yards  from  the  house  when  he 
saw  the  soldiers  enter  it.  _  A  small  piece  of  wood  lay  before 
him,  in  which  he  hoped  at  least  to  be  out  of  sight  ;  and  he 
had  sprung  the  fence  in  order  to  enter  it.  But  it  was 
already  lined  by  a  party  of  horse,  with  a  view  of  cutting  off 
his  retreat.  Thus  surrounded,  all  hopes  oi  flight  were  in 
vain  ;  and  to  seek  for  a  hiding  place,  in  a  clear,  open  field, 
seemed  equally  useless.  Drowning  persons  are  said  to  catch 
at  straws  ;  with  hardly  a  hope  of  escaping  so  much  as  a 
momeut  longer  undiscovered,  he  threw  himself  flat  on  his 
face  in  a  ditch,  which  yet  seemed  of  all  places  the  least  cal- 
culated for  concealment,  for  it  was  without  weeds  or  shrubs, 
and  so  shallow,  that  a  quail  might  be  seen  in  it.  Once 
more  he  had  reason  to  moralize  on  the  vanity  of  all  human 
contrivance  and  confidence  ;  yet,  as  Providence  ordered  it, 
the  improbability  of  the  place  proved  the  means  of  his 
security.  He  had  lain  there  but  a  few  minutes,  when  six  of 
his  pursuers  passed  within  ten  feet  of  him,  and  very  dili- 
gently examined  a  thickety  part  of  the  ditch  that  was  but  a 


52  NARRATIVE. 

few  paces  from  Mm.  With  his  pistols  cocked,  he  kept  his 
eye  constantly  on  them,  determining,  that,  as  soon  as  he 
saw  himself  to  be  discovered  by  any  one  of  them,  he  would 
instantly  spring  up,  and  sell  his  life  as  dearly  as  might  be  ; 
and,  refusing  to  be  taken  alive,  provoke,  and,  if  possible, 
force  them  to  kill  him.  Once  or  twice  he  thought  he  saw 
one  of  the  soldiers  look  at  him,  and  he  was  on  the  point  of 
shooting  the  man  ;  but  reflecting  that  possibly  though  the 
soldier  did  see,  yet  he  might  have  the  humanity  not  to 
discover  him,  as  he  would  fain  hope,  was  really  the  case, 
his  heart  smote  him  for  his  rash  resolution ;  and  he 
thanks  God  that  he  was  restrained  from  putting  it  in 
execution. 

From  the  ditch  they  went  all  round  the  adjacent  field  ; 
and,  as  Lieutenant  Moody  sometimes  a  little  raised  up  his 
head,  he  saw  them  frequently  running  their  bayonets  into 
some  small  stacks  of  Indian  corn-fodder.  This  suggested  to 
him  an  idea,  that  if  he  could  escape  till  night,  a  place  they 
had  already  explored  would  be  the  securest  shelter  for  him. 
When  night  came,  he  got  into  one  of  those  stacks.  The 
wind  was  high,  which  prevented  the  rustling  of  the  leaves 
of  the  fodder,  as  he  entered,  from  being  heard  by  the  people 
who  were  at  that  time  passing  close  by  him  into  the  country, 
in  quest  of  him.  His  position  in  this  retreat  was  very  un- 
comfortable, for  he  could  neither  sit  nor  lie  down.  In  this 
erect  posture,  however,  he  remained  two  nights  and  two 
days,  without  a  morsel  of  food,  for  there  was  no  corn  on  the 
stacks,  and,  which  was  infinitely  more  intolerable,  without 
drink.     He  must  not  relate,  for  reasons  which  may  be  easily 


NARRATIVE. 


53 


imagined,  what  became  of  him  immediately  after  his  coming 
out  of  this  uneasy  prison  ;  but  he  will  venture  to  inform  the 
reader,  that,  on  the  fifth  night  after  his  elopement  from  the 
Ferry -house,  he  searched  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  till  he 
had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  with  a  small  boat.  Into  this 
he  jumped  ;  and  having  waited  a  little  for  the  tide  of  flood, 
which  was  near,  he  pushed  off,  and  rowed  a  considerable 
way  up  the  river.  (c)  During  this  voyage  he  was  several 
times  accosted  by  people  on  the  water  ;  but,  having  often 
found  the  benefit  of  putting  on  a  fearless  air,  he  endeavoured 
to  answer  them  in  their  own  way  ;  and  recollecting  some  of 
the  less  polished  phrases  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  oar,  he 
used  them  pretty  liberally  ^  and  thus  was  suffered  to  pass 
on  unsuspected.  In  due  time  he  left  his  boat ;  aud,  relying 
on  the  aid  of  Loyalists,  some  of  whom  he  knew  were  every- 
where to  be  found,  he  went  into  a  part  of  the  country  least 
known  to  him,  and  the  least  likely  for  him  to  have  thought 
of  ;  and  at  length,  after  many  circuitous  marches,  all  in  the 
night,  and  through  pathless  courses,  in  about  five  days,  he 
once  more  arrived  safe  in  New  York. 

All  these  efforts  for  life  were  dictated,  it  would  seem, 
rather  by  instinct  than  reason  ;  for,  occupied  as  his  mind 
had  been  with  his  own  danger,  and  his  own  sufferings,  he 
can  truly  say,  his  greatest  uneasiness  was  on  account  of  his 
brother.  There  was  not  a  ray  of  hope  that  he  could  escape, 
and  less,  if  possible,  that  he  would  be  pardoned.     He  was 

(c)  He  rowed  up  to  Philadelphia  :  The  place  from  which  his  pursuers 
first  sate  out  in  search  of  him  ;  aud  which  he  concluded  would  therefore 
be  the  last  in  which  they  would  look  for  him. 


•">4  NARRATIVE. 

the  son  of  his  old  age  to  a  most  worthy  and  beloved  father, 
who  had  himself  been  a  soldier,  and  who  loved  and  honoured 
the  profession.  Indeed  he  was  a  most  amiable  young  man, 
as  remarkable  for  the  sweetness  of  his  disposition  as  for  his 
undaunted  intrepidity.  Excellent  youth  !  Every  feeling 
heart  will  forgive  the  tear  which  is  now  dropped  to  thy 
memory,  by  thy  sorrowing  brother  !  He  perished  by  an 
ignominious  death,  in  the  23d  year  of  his  age  ;  the  news  of 
which,  as  may  naturally  be  supposed,  well  nigh  brought  the 
grey  hairs  of  a  venerable  father  with  sorrow  to  the  grave. 
It  did  uot  indeed  immediately  cost  him  his  life,  but  it  cost 
him,  what  is  more  valuable — his  reason  !  (23) 

His  fellow-prisoner  was  also  sentenced  to  death  ;  but,  on 
making  some  pretended  discoveries,  of  no  considerable 
moment,  he  was  reprieved.  Lieutenant  Moody  is  sensible  it 
contains  no  information  that  can  interest  the  reader  ;  yet, 
as  he  pre.-erves  it  as  a  precious  relic,  he  persuades  himself 
every  man  who  is  a  brother  will  forgive  his  inserting  an  ex- 
tract or  two  trom  his  brother's  last  letter,  dated  November 
12,  1781,  from  the  New  Gaol  Dungeon,  Philadelphia, 

''Dear  brother. 

Let  me  intreat  you  not  to  grieve  at  my  fate,  and 
the  fate  of  my  brother-soldier.  Betrayed  by  the  man  on  whom 
we  depended  to  execute  the  plan  proposed  by  Captain  Beek- 
witli.  we  were  taken  up  as  spies;  and  have  been  tried  and  con- 
demned, and  are  to  die  to  morrow.  I  pray  you  to  forgive  him. 
as  I  do.  and  Laurence  Marr  also,  as  freely  as  we  hope  to  be 
forgiven  by  our  Maker. — One  more  request  1  have  to  make  to 


NARRATIVE.  00 

you  is,  that,  taking  -warning  by  my  fate,  you  will  not  hereafter 
so  often  venture  yourself  out  of  the  British  lines.  I  am  in 
irons ;  but,  thanks  to  the  Almighty,  I  still  have  the  liberty  of 
thought  and  speech.  0  !  may  I  make  a  good  use  of  them,  and 
be  prepared,  as  I  ought  to  be,  for  eternity  !  Sentence  has  not 
been  passed  on  us  above  two  hours,  all  which  time  I  have 
employed  in  prayer,  as  I  will  continue  to  do  to  the  last 
moment ;  and,  I  bless  God,  I  feel  quite  cheerful !" 

Lieutenant  Moody  cannot  in  justice  close  this  plain  and 
artless  narrative,  already  spun  out  to  too  great  a  length, 
without  bearing  his  public  testimony,  feeble  as  it  may  be,  in 
favour  of,  and  returning  his  thanks,  as  he  now  most  cor- 
dially does,  to  those  brave,  loyal  Americans,  whom,  though 
in  the  ranks  only,  he  shall  always  think  it  the  greatest 
honour  of  his  life  to  have  commanded  in  these  expeditions. 
They  were,  in  general,  men  of  some  property;  and,  without 
a  single  exception,  men  of  principle.  They  fought  for  what 
appeared  to  be  the  true  interest  of  their  couutry,  as  well  as 
to  regain  their  little  plantations,  and  to  live  in  peace  under 
a  constitution,  which  they  knew  by  experience  to  be  aus- 
picious to  their  happiness.  Their  conduct  in  their  new  pro- 
fession, as  soldiers,  verifies  their  character  ;  they  have  been 
brave,  and  they  have  been  humane.  Their  honesty  and 
honour  have  been  uniformly  conspicuous.  It  was  a  first 
principle,  in  all  their  excursions,  never  to  make  war  against 
private  property  ;  and  this  has  been  religiously  observed. 
Some  striking  instances  of  their  forbearance  might  lie  given, 
if  necessary,  even  when  they  have  been  provoked  to  retaliate 
by  private  wrongs  and  personal  insults. 


56  NARRATIVE. 

And  here  it  ought  to  be  mentioned,  with  the  utmost 
gratitude  and  pleasure,  that,  though  Mr.  Moody,  in  the 
course  of  his  adventures,  was  often  obliged  to  put  his  life 
into  the  hands  of  the  Loyalists,  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  he  never  was  disappointed  or  deceived  by  any  of 
them.  In  the  year  1777,  he  continued  among  them  more 
than  three  months  at  a  time,  and  near  as  long  in  1778. 
He  knew  their  characters,  and  could  safely  confide  in  them. 
They  were  men  of  such  inflexible  attachment  to  Government, 
that  no  temptations  could  induce  them  to  betray  their  trust. 
Though  many  of  them  were  reduced  to  indigence  and  dis- 
tress, and  they  knew  that  almost  any  price  might  be  obtained 
for  giving  up  so  obnoxious  a  person,  yet  they  were  so  far 
from  betraying  him,  that  they  often  ran  great  hazards  in 
giving  him  assistance.  Surely  such  merit  as  this  is  worthy 
of  esteem  and  admiration  ;  and  it  is  humbly  hoped,  that  the 
many  thousands  in  the  colonies  who  possess  it,  will  not  be 
deserted  by  Government,  and  consigned  over  to  ruin  and 
wretchedness,  without  au  absolute  necessity. 

It  is  with  the  utmost  concern  Mr.  Moody  has  heard  of 
the  doubts  and  debates  that  have  been  agitated  in  England 
concerning  the  number  and  the  zeal  of  the  Loyalists  in 
America.  It  might  be  uncharitable,  and  possibly  unjust, 
to  say,  that  every  man  who  has  entertained  such  doubts, 
has  some  sinister  purposes  to  serve  by  them  ;  but  it  would 
be  blindness  in  the  extreme  not  to  see,  that  they  were  first 
raised  by  men  who  had  other  objects  at  heart  than  the 
interests  of  their  country.  Men  who  have  performed  their 
own  duty  feebly  or  falsely,  naturally  seek  to  excuse  them- 


NARRATIVE.  51 

selves  by  throwing  the  blame  upon  others.  It  would  il! 
become  an  obscure  individual  to  obtrude  his  opinion  upon 
others  ;  but  any  honest  man  may,  and  when  he  thinks  it 
would  serve  his  country,  should  relate  what  he  has  seen. 
The  writer  of  this  narrative  has  already  disclaimed  all  pre- 
tensions to  any  extraordinary  share  of  political  sagacity  ; 
but  he  has  common  sense — he  can  see,  and  he  can  hear. 
He  has  had  more  opportunities  than  most  men  of  seeing, 
and  hearing  the  true  state  of  loyalty  in  the  middle  colonies  ; 
and  he  most  solemnly  declares  it  to  be  his  opinion,  that  a 
very  great  majority  of  the  people  there  are  at  this  time 
loyal,  and  would  still  do  and  suffer  almost  anything,  rather 
than  remain  under  the  tyranny  of  their  present  rulers.  Let 
but  the  war  be  undertaken  and  conducted  on  some  plan,  and 
with  some  spirit  ;  let  but  commanders  be  employed  who 
will  encourage  their  services,  and  leave  them  under  no  ap- 
prehensions of  being  deserted  and  betrayed  ;  and  then,  if 
they  do  not  exert  themselves,  and  very  effectually,  let 
every  advocate  they  have  had,  or  may  have,  be  reprobated 
as  a  fool  or  a  knave,  or  both  together — and  let  the  Ame- 
ricans contiuue  to  feel  the  worst  punishment  their  worst 
enemies  can  wish  them — nominal  independency,  but  real 
slavery. 

Perhaps  the  honest  indignation  of  the  Writer  may  have 
carried  him  too  far  ;  but  on  such  a  subject,  who,  in  his  cir- 
cumstances, could  speak  coolly,  and  with  any  temper?  That 
he  speaks  only  what  he  really  thinks,  no  man,  who  is 
acquainted  with  him,  will  doubt ;  and  if,  after  all,  he  is 
mistaken,  he  errs  with  more  and  better  opportunities  of  being 


58  NARRATIVE. 

right,  than  almost  any  other  person  has  ever  had.  He  has 
given  the  strongest  proofs  of  his  sincerity  ;  he  has  sacrificed 
his  all  ;  and,  little  as  it  may  be  thought  by  others,  it  was 
enough  for  him,  and  he  was  contented  with  it.  He  made 
this  sacrifice,  because  he  sincerely  believed  what  he  declares 
and  professes.  If  the  same  were  to  do  over  again,  he  would 
again  as  cheerfully  make  the  same  sacrifice.  He  trusts, 
therefore,  it  will  not  be  deemed  presumptuous  in  him  to  say, 
that  he  cannot  decently  be  contradicted  in  these  matters 
by  any  man,  who  has  neither  had  such  opportunities  of 
informing  his  judgment,  nor  given  such  unequivocal  proofs 
of  his  sincerity.  The  Writer  has  certainly  no  bye-ends  to 
serve  ;  he  is  not  an  ambitious  man,  nor  avaricious.  The 
profession  of  arms  is  foreign  from  the  habits  of  one  who  has 
lived,  and  wishes  only  to  live,  in  quiet,  under  his  own  vine 
and  his  own  fig-tree  ;  and  he  can  truly  say,  that,  if  his 
Sovereign  should  be  graciously  pleased  to  confer  on  him 
the  highest  military  honours,  he  would  most  gladly  forego 
them  all  to  be  once  more  re-instated  in  his  own  farm,  with 
his  wife  and  children  around  him,  as  he  was  seveu  years 
ago. 

He  has  hitherto  received  but  a  very  trifling  compensation* 


*  During  the  first  year  be  served  for  nothing,  not  having  the  least 
thought  of  becoming  a  soldier,  or  the  least  doubt  of  General  Howe's 
suppressing  the  rebellion  long  before  the  end  of  it.  In  the  second,  third 
and  fourth,  he  received  pay  as  Ensign;  and  in  the  fifth,  as  Lieutenant. 
Beside  his  pay,  upon  his  taking  the  first  mail,  he  received  one  hundred 
guineas,  which  he  divided  equally  with  his  three  associates.  Upon  his 
taking  the  second  mail,  he  received  two  hundred  guineas,  one  hundred 


NARRATIVE.  59 

for  his  services  and  sufferings  ;  and  he  looks  for  no  more 
than  will  free  him  from  indigence,  and  enable  him  more 
effectually  to  serve  his  country.  In  enlisting  and  paying 
men  for  public  services,  he  has  expended  what  was  saved 
from  the  wreck  of  his  own  fortune  to  a  considerable 
amount,  and  he  was  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  borrowing 
from  those,  whose  better  circumstances  enabled  them,  and 
whose  generous  spirits  disposed  them,  to  hazard  something 
in  the  cause  of  their  country.  This  may  be  colled 
enthusiasm;  be  it  so. — Mr.  Moody  will  not  conceal  his 
wish,  that  the  world  abounded  with  such  enthusiasts.  Xot 
his  fortune  only,  but  his  constitution,  has  been  greatly 
impaired  by  the  exertions  he  has  made.  His  physicians 
recommended  a  sea-voyage,  a  change  of  air,  and  a  respite 
of  his  fatigues  and  anxiety  of  mind,  as  the  only  remedies 
left  him  ;  and  the  late  Commander  in  Chief,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  ^s«)  was  pleased  to  second  their  recommendation, 
by  politely  inviting  him  to  England.  He  acknowledges, 
with  gratitude,  that  their  kind  intentions  witli  regard  to  his 
health  have  not  been  wholly  frustrated.  He  trusts  he 
shall  soon  be  able,  and  he  would  rejoice  to  be  called 
by  the  service,  to  return  to  America.  He  would  go  with 
recruited   spirits,  aud   unabated   ardour  ;  for,  rather   than 

of  which  was  for  himself.  And  this  was  the  whole  of  what  he  ever 
received — except  thirty  guineas  advanced  to  him  by  General  Robertson, 
in  order  to  fit  him  out  for  the  expedition  for  the  taking  of  Governor 
Livingston.  He  does  not  mention  twenty  two  guineas  he  has  received 
here  in  England,  because  that  was  merely  to  pay  a  bill  of  charges 
incurred  in  one  of  his  expeditions. 


60 


NARRATIVE. 


outlive  the  freedom  of  his  country,  it  is  his  resolution,  with 
King  William  of  glorious  memory,  even  to  die  in  the 
last  ditch. 

JAMES  MOODY. 

Wardour-street,  No.  97. 
Nov.  1182. 


\r  APR      *\ 


! 


W  1LL1  A  M     P  R  A  \  K  L  1  X. 
Governoi  of  New  Jersey. 


APPENDIX. 


The  following  Certificates,  selected  from  a  great  number  of 
others  in  the  Author's  Possession,  are  presumed  to  be  sufficient 
to  establish  the  truth  of  his  Narrative. 


No.  I. 


The  Events  related  in  the  following  Narrative  are  so  very 
extraordinary,  that  many  Gentlemen,  who  are  unacquainted 
with  the  country,  and  with  the  several  circumstances,  might 
doubt  of  the  truth  of  them.  I  think  it  therefore  a  piece  of 
justice  due  to  the  merit  of  Mr.  Moody's  services,  to  declare, 
that  I  believe  this  Narrative  to  be  a  true  account  of  his 
proceedings. 

WM.  FRANKLIN,  («) 
late  Governor  of  New  Jersey. 


62 


No.  II. 

I  do  hereby  certify,  that  Mr.  James  Moody  came  within 
the  British  lines  in  April  1777,  and  brought  in  with  him 
upwards  of  seventy  men,  all  of  whom,  except  four,  entered 
into  my  brigade  :  That  in  June  following,  he  was  sent  into 
the  rebel  country,  for  the  purpose  of  enlisting  men  for  his 
Majesty's  service,  with  orders  to  continue  there  until  a 
favourable  opportunity  offered  for  him  to  disarm  the  rebels, 
and  arm  the  loyalists,  and,  with  what  men  he  could  collect, 
to  join  the  Royal  army;  but  he  was  prevented  from  putting 
that  plan  into  execution,  by  our  army's  taking  a  different 
route  from  what  was  expected  :  That  Mr.  Moody,  being 
thus  disappointed,  assisted  by  two  of  his  neighbours,  soon 
after  embodied  about  an  hundred  men,  with  whom  he 
attempted  to  join  the  British  army,  but  was  unsuccessful  : 
That  afterwards  he  made  two  successful  excursions  into  the 
rebel  country,  and  brought  with  him  from  Sussex  County 
about  sixty  able-bodied  recruits,  nearly  all  of  whom  entered 
into  my  brigade  :  That,  after  this  time,  he  made  many  trips 
into  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  and  brought  in  with 
him  many  good  men,  and  gained  many  articles  of  important 
intelligence,  concerning  the  movements  of  Colonel  Butler, 
the  real  state  of  the  rebel  country,  the  situation  and  con- 
dition of  the  rebel  armies  under  the  command  of  their 
Generals  Washington,  Sullivan,  &c:  And,  that  while  Mr. 
Moody  was  under  my  immediate  direction,  he  also  destroyed 
a  considerable  magazine  of  stores  near  Black  Point,  taking 


APPENDIX.  63 

prisoners  two  Colonels,  one  Major,  and  several  other  officers, 
and  broke  open  the  Sussex  County  jail,  rescuing  a  number 
of  loyalists  that  were  imprisoned  in  it,  one  of  whom  was 
under  sentence  of  death  :  besides  performing  many  other 
important  services. 

I  do  also  certify,  that,  in  the  month  of  October  1717,  the 
said  Mr.  Moody  was  mustered  as  an  Ensign,  but  received 
no  pay  as  such  till  April  1718  :  That  he  continued  his  ex- 
ertions under  my  direction  till  1180,  about  which  time  he 
was  taken  from  the  regiment,  which  prevented  his  being 
appointed  to  a  company  in  u,  as  it  was  in  general  believed 
the  Commander  in  Chief  intended  doing  something  better 
for  him  :  That  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  Mr.  Moody 
received  nothing  from  government  to  reward  him  for  his 
extraordinary  services,  or  to  indemnify  him  for  his  extra- 
ordinary expences,  till  1180  :  That  from  the  time  of  his 
joining  the  army  in  April  1111,  till  his  departure  for  Europe 
in  May  1182,  he  did,  upon  every  occasion,  exert  himself 
with  the  utmost  zeal  in  support  of  his  Majesty's  cause  in 
America  :  And,  on  the  whole,  that  I  believe  all  that  is 
related  in  his  printed  Narrative  to  be  true,  without  exag- 
geration. 

London,  January  30th,  1183. 

CORTLAND  SKINNER,  (..) 

Brigr.  General,  <tc. 


64  APPENDIX. 


No.  III. 


I  do  hereby  certify,  that  during  the  time  I  was  Com- 
mandant of  New  York,  Mr.  James  Moody  went  sundry 
times  into  the  rebel  country,  to  gain  intelligence  of  the 
situation  and  circumstances  of  the  rebels  :  That  at  one  time 
he  was  absent  five  weeks  in  different  parts  of  Pennsylvania 
and  New  Jersey  ;  and  brought  authentic  and  full  informa- 
tion of  the  situation  and  resources  of  the  several  detach- 
ments of  the  rebel  army  under  the  command  of  the  Generals 
Washington  and  Gates,  in  the  year  1779,  and  the  prospect 
the  rebels  had  at  that  time  of  procuring  a  loan  from 
France. 

That  in  each  of  his  excursions  he  obtained,  and  regularly 
reported  to  me,  very  accurate  information  of  the  rebel 
country,  and  appeared  to  be  very  zealous  and  attentive  in 
promoting  his  Majesty's  service  ;  and  from  the  knowledge  I 
have  of  his  services  and  sufferings,  I  cannot  but  recommend 
him  as  a  person  who  merits  encouragement  and  support 
from  the  British  Government. 

JAS.  PATTISON,  («) 

Major  General. 


APPEXDIX.  65 


No.  IV. 


New  Yurk,  May  11th,  1782. 

Lieutenant  James  Moody,  of  the  first  batallion  of  Briga- 
dier General  Skinner's  Brigade  of  Provincial  troops,  having 
applied  to  me  for  a  Certificate  of  some  particular  services 
which  he  has  rendered  in  America  ;  and  which,  from  their 
having  been  attempted  and  in  a  great  measure  executed 
during  General  Knyphauseu's  having  the  command  within 
this  district,  I  feel  much  satisfaction  in  complying  with  the 
request  of  this  Gentleman,  and  in  expressing  that  Lieutenant 
Moody,  in  two  instances  in  particular,  conducted  two  small 
parties,  one  to  Jersey  and  the  other  to  Philadelphia,  with 
much  personal  risk,  great  spirit,  and  good  conduct  :  and  I 
ever  found  him  desirous  of  manifesting  his  zeal  for  the  good 
of  the  King's  service. 

GEO.  BECKWITH,  (:-) 
Major  in  the  Army, 
Aid-de-Camp  to  his  Excellency, 

General  Knyphausen. 


66  AdPENDIX. 


No.  V. 


New  York,  May  10th,  1782. 

By  serving  in  different  public  departments  in  the  army  in 
North  America,  under  the  command  of  his  Excellency  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  I  have  had  opportunities  of  knowing  of 
several  military  exploits,  very  essential  and  contributory  to 
his  Majesty's  service,  being  performed  by  Lieutenant  James 
Moody,  of  the  Provincial  corps,  called  the  First  Batallion 
of  New  Jersey  Volunteers,  in  the  execution  of  which,  he 
not  only  underwent  the  most  severe  hardships,  but  encoun- 
tered almost  every  possible  risque  of  his  life,  as  well  from 
these  hardships  (which  naturally  affected  his  constitution), 
as  from  the  enemy.  He  however  persevered,  in  defiance  of 
every  obstacle,  with  such  an  ardour  and  resolution,  as 
plainly  evinced  an  uncommon  zeal  and  attachment  to  his 
King  and  Country. 

STEP.  P.  AD  YE, 

D.  Judge  Advocate. 


AiTF.xmx.  67 


No.  VI. 


New  York,  lltli  May  1782. 
I,  the  Subscriber,  do  hereby  certify,  That  shortly  after 
Major  General  Pattison  was  appointed  Commandant  of  New 

York,  and  I  was  employed  as  his  Secretary,  Lieutenant 
James  Moody,  of  the  First  Batalliou,  New  Jersey  Volun- 
teers, having  returned  from  the  country,  where  he  had  been 
engaged  in  collecting  intelligence,  etc.,  appeared  at  the 
Commandant's  Office,  and  communicated  to  me,  for  the  in- 
formation of  General  Pattison,  a  variety  of  accounts  rela- 
tive to  the  situation  of  the  rebel  army,  &c,  which  I  laid 
before  the  General. 

From  this  time  an  intimacy  commenced  between  us  ;  and 
Mr.  Moody  afterwards,  previously  and  confidentially  con- 
sulted me  on  the  practicability  of  several  excursions,  lie 
intended  to  make  in  the  rebel  country  ;  and  particularly 
with  respect  to  his  intention  to  make  Governor  Livingston 
a  prisoner.  Mentioning  his  want  of  cash  to  carry  into  exe- 
cution sn  essential  a  service,  I  offered  to  supply  him  witli 
twenty-five  guineas  for  this  purpose,  and  to  be  his  security, 
or  to  borrow  at  interest  a  larger  sum,  it  being  out  of  my 
power  to  advance  more  ;  but  being  supplied  with  money  by 
his  Excellency  Lieutenant  General  Robertson,  (29)  he  was 
enabled  to  go  out  without  my  assistance.  Mr.  Moody's 
failing  in  this  attempt  was  owing  to  one  of  his  party  being 
taken  ;  by  which  mean-  Mr.  Livingston  (so)  discovered  Mr. 
Moody's  being  out,  took  the  alarm,  and  raised  the  country: 


68 


and  with  difficulty  Mr.  Moody  escaped  falling  into  his 
hands  :  but  was  afterwards  unfortunately  taken  by  a  party 
of  rebels,  and  carried  to  the  provost-guard  at  Mr.  Wash- 
ington's Head  Quarters,  where  he  was  confined,  and  from 
whence  he  made  his  escape,  and  returned  to  New  York. 

Mr.  Moody  afterwards  made  various  excursions  into  the 
country,  and  many  miles  without  the  British  lines:  took 
several  rebel  mails,  containing  intelligence  of  great  import- 
ance, and  brought  them  safe  to  New  York.  In  these  ex- 
cursions he  run  great  risques  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
rebels,  and  his  health  was  much  exposed  from  lying  many 
lights  and  days  in  woods  and  swamps  to  avoid  a  discovery. 
In  these  excursions,  Mr.  Moody  disregarded  either  the 
seasons,  The  fatigue,  or  the  risques  he  run. 

And  on  the  whole  of  his  conduct,  I  have  every  reason  to 
believe  him  entirely  disinterested,  and  actuated  only  by  that 
zeal  for  his  Majesty's  service  which  he  has  on  every  occasion 
exhibited. — From  Mr.  Moody's  declaration,  and  other  evi- 
dence, I  have  every  reason  to  believe,  that  the  compensa- 
tions he  has  from  time  to  time  received,  were  by  no  means, 
adequate  to  the  expences  incurred  on  these  occasions.  And 
1  know  that  Mr.  Moody  has,  at  his  own  expence  and  credit, 
supported  those,  whose  health  from  a  participation  of  toil 
ami  fatigue  with  him.  on  these  excursions,  have  been  im- 
paired. 

JOHN  L.  0.  ROOME, 
Secretary  to  Major  General  Pattison, 
late  Commandant  of  New  York,  &c 


69 


No.  VII. 

"  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Brown,  (a  very 
respectable  Clergyman  of  New  Jersey,  now  in  New  York  | 
to  the  Rev.  Dr.  Chandler,  dated  May  10th,  1T82. 

"  Yon  will  receive  Mr.  Moody  as  my  particular  friend, 
and  as  one  most  firmly  attached  to  his  Majesty,  and  the 
constitution  both  in  church  and  state.  He  has  both  done 
and  suffered  great  things  from  a  principle  of  loyalty.  You 
may  give  full  credit  to  all  he  says,  and  if  he  tells  you  sonic 
things  seemingly  incredible,  still  you  are  to  believe  him. 
He  is  honest,  sober  and  firm — never  intimidated  by  danger, 
and  of  undeviating  probity  and  honour."' 


"  Extract  of  a  Letter  from  the  Rev.  Dr.  Inglis,(»i)  Rector 
of  New  York,  to  the  same  person,  dated  May  11th,  1  T82. 

"  Mr.  Moody  is  one  of  the  most  active  partizans  we 
have,  and  perhaps  has  run  more  risque  than  any  other  man 
during  the  war.  He  has  brought  in  three  rebel  mails,  and 
has  often  been  in  the  greatest  perils  among  false  brethren. 
The  history  of  his  adventures  will  entertain  and  astonish 
you.     He  goes  home  at  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  desire,  who 


[0 


APPENDIX. 


has  promised    to   do  something   for  him  adequate   to  his 
services." 

Ill  justice  to  Mr.  Moody,  I  think  it  my  duty  to  furnish 
him  with  the  above  extracts. 


August  23d,  1182. 


T.  B.  CHANDLER.  (3,) 


WILLIAM     LIVINGSTON, 

GOVERNOR   OF   NEW   JERSEY. 


X  O  TE  S. 


d).  This  was  perhaps  the  Col.  Barton  who  in  1777  was 
captured  on  Staten  Island  with  abont  forty  of  his  men,  and 
sent  to  New  Jersey,  and  who  retired  to  Nova  Scotia  after  the 
war.  where  he  died  about  the  year  1790. 

(2).  William  Hutchinson  was,  in  L782,  Captain-Lieutenant  of 

the  First  Battalion  of  New  Jersey  Volunteers.  After  the  war 
he  received  half  nay,  and  lived  for  a  while  in  New  Brunswick. 
Be  subsequently  moved  to  Upper  Canada,  and  died  there. 


(3).  Sir  William  Howe  was  horn  about  the  year  1729.  He 
was  appointed  Lieut. -Colonel  in  1757.  He  served  in  the  expe- 
dition against  Louisbourg,  and  was  subsequently  at  the  siege 


72 


of  Quebec,  hi  the  year  1 T t '» 1  he  was  in  the  expedition  against 
Belle-Isle,  on  tin-  Coast  of  France,  where  he  held  the  rank  of 
Brig. -General.  In  the  year  1762  he  was  Adjutant-General  of 
the  Army  against  Havana.  He  became  Colonel  of  the  23d  or 
Royal  Welsh  Fuzileers  on  the  11th  of  May,  1775,  about  which 
time  lie  arrived  in  Boston  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Army  in  America.  He  commanded  at  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Bill,  and  in  August  of  the  year  following  landed  at  Staten  Is- 
land and  participated  in  the  operations  of  the  army  that  year. 
He  became  Lieut. -General  August  27.1777:  defeated  the 
Americans  at  Germantown  in  October,  and  was  superseded 
by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  1778.  On  his  return  to  England  he 
published  a  defence  of  bis  conduct  while  in  America.  He  was 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  General  in  1793,  and  in  the  year  1808 
became  Governor  of  Plymouth.  He  died  without  issue  in 
1814,  at  the  a-v  of  about  85. 


(4).  Col.  John  Butler,  of  Tryon,  now  Montgomery  County. 
N.  Y..  was  before  the  Revolution  in  close  connection  with 
Sir  John,  Sir  William,  and  Col.  Gny  Johnson,  and  followed 
their  political  fortunes.  At  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  in 
tiie  Colonies,  he  commanded  a  regiment  of  New  York  militia, 
and  took  at  once  an  active  part  for  the  King.  He  made  him- 
self infamous  for  the  deeds  of  rapine  and  murder  committed 
by  him  and  his  corps.  He  was  at  the  Massacre  of  Wyoming, 
where  he  commanded  1600  incarnate  fiends,  whose  brutality 
and  bloodthirstiness  was  almost  unparalleled.  At  the  restora- 
tion of  peace,  he  went  to  Upper  Canada,  where  he  still  re- 
sided in  1796.  He  was  well  rewarded  by  the  King  for  his 
services,  receiving  the   Agency  of  Indian    Affairs,  beside-    a 


handsome  pecuniary  provision  for  himself  and  children.     The 
time  of  his  death  we  have  been  unable  to  learn. 


The  following  account  of  t  1 1 i  —  expedition  appears  in  the 
Tory  papers  of  the  day  : 

■•  New-Yobst,  June  16 

On  the  9th  day  of  June  instant,  a  party  of  volunteers  wont 
down  to  Sandy  Hook,  where  they  were  joined  hy  a  small  de- 
tachment of  Col.  Barton's  regiment  of  New  Jersey  Volunteers, 

from  whence  they  proceeded  to  the  Gut,  about  four  miles  dis- 
tant; but  as  the  wind  blew  very  hard,  the  boats  that  were 
provided  did  not  come  up,  and  they  were  obliged  to  return  to 
the  Light  House.  On  the  10th,  being  ready  to  cross  the  Gut, 
it  was  agreed  by  the  party,  that  Lieut.  Okerson,  who  was  per- 
fectly acquainted  with  the  country,  should  give  them  direc- 
tions. They  advanced  undiscovered  with  fifty-six  men  so  far 
a-  Fenton  Falls,  about  ten  miles  from  the  landing,  where  they 
halted  just  as  the  day  broke,  near  the  rebel  headquarters  at 
the  back  of  the  town  ;  but  not  knowing  the  house  where  their 
main  guard  was  kept,  they  determined  to  surround  three 
houses  at  the  same  time.  Captain  Haydeii.  of  General  Skin- 
ner"s.  proceeded  to  the  house  of  Mr.  McKnight,  a  Rehel  Cap- 
tain: Ensign  Moody  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Heiidrickson.  a  Colo- 
nel :  and  Lieut.  Throgmorton  to  one  Shadwick's,  a  rebel  Cap- 
tain. The  three  parties  came  nearly  at  the  same  time  to  the 
place  where  the  main  guard  of  the  Rebels  was  kept,  but  mis>- 
ed  them,  they  being  on  a  scout.  They  made  Col.  Heiidrickson. 
Lient.-Col.  Wikoflj  Capts.  Shadwick  ami  McRnight.  with 
several  privates,  prisoners;  and  after  proceeding  one  mile 
further,  took  a  Major  Van  Brunt.  They  collected  about  three 
hundred  -beep  and  horses  belonging  to  the  rebel-.      A  warm 


74 


engagement  ensued  at  Jumping  Inlet,  and  continued  an  hoar, 
when  they  heard  the  Captain  of  the  Rebels  declare,  that  he 
would  give  them  no  quarter,  and  soon  after  he  received  two 
balls  ;  upon  his  falling  the  volunteers  charged  with  their  bayo- 
nets, vanquished  the  rebels,  and  took  possession  of  the  ground 
where  the  dead  and  wounded  lay.  When  they  had  crossed 
the  river,  they  observed  a  man  with  a  flag  riding  down  from 
the  rebels,  who  asked  permission  to  carry  <>tt'  the  dead  and 
wounded,  which  was  immediately  granted.  The  man  with 
the  flag  informed  them  that  the  whole  of  their  party  who 
\\vw  engaged,  were  killed  or  wounded.  They  returned  to 
Sandy-Hook  the  same  evening  with  their  prisoners,  and  a 
quantity  of  live  stock,  &c.  The  names  of  the  fifteen  who  en- 
gaged the  rebels  are  as  follows: 

= Captain  Samuel   Hayden,  Lieut. 

Thomas  Okerson,  Lieutenant  Hutchinson.  Ensign  Moody,  first 
battallion  General  Skinner's:  Lieut.  John  Buskirk,  of  Colonel 
Ritzema's;  five  privates  of  Gen.  Skinner's:  two  sailors  and 
a  coxswain  of  one  of  the  boats;  Marphet  Taylor.  William 
Gillian,  John  Worthley,  volunteer-. 

In  the  engagement,  one  officer  and    two  privates   of    the 
volunteers  were  wounded." 

Rivitialun's  Royal  Gazette.  Wednesday,  June  L6,  177a. 


(„).  Major-Gen.  John  Sullivan,  the  eldest  son  of  an  I ri-h 
emigrant,  who  settled  in  Massachusetts  about  the  year  1723. 
was  born  in  the  year  1741.  and  was  at  first  a  fanner,  and  after- 
wards studied  law  in  New  Hampshire.  In  1774  he  was  a 
member  of  the  1st  Congress,  was  appointed  BrigadierrGeneral 
in  1775,  and  commanded  at  Winter  Hill,  near  Boston,  jvftci 
the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.     In  June,  177'''.  he  superseded  Ar- 


NOTES.  I  0 

nold  in  command  in  Canada,  and  on  the  10th  of  August  follow- 
ing was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major-General.  He  succeed- 
ed Gen.  Greene  in  command  of  the  division  of  the  American 
Army  on  Long  Island,  and  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  battle  of 
the  27th  of  August  following.  In  November  he  was  exchanged 
for  the  English  General  Prescott,  and  in  August,  1777,  he  exe- 
cuted an  expedition  against  Staten  Island.  In  September  and 
October  he  took  part  in  the  battles  of  Brandywine  and  Ger- 
mantown,  and  in  1776  was  detached  to  Rhode  Island.  In 
1779  he  was  sent  to  Western  Xew  York  to  chastise  the  Six 
Xations,  a  duty  which  he  successfully  accomplished,  and  then 
resigned  his  command.  He  resumed  the  practice  of  the  law. 
and  was  a  member  of  the  convention  that  formed  the  State 
Constitution  of  New  Hampshire.  In  1785  he  was  a  member 
of  Congress,  for  the  three  years  following;  was  President  of 
the  State,  and  in  October.  1780.  was  appointed  District  Judge. 
He  died  at  his  seat  in  Durham.  X.  II.,  January  23,  1795,  at 
the  age  of  54  years. 


(7).  Gen.  Hobatio  Gates  was  a  native  of  England,  and  was 
born  in  1727.  He  entered  the  British  service  in  early  life,  and 
rose  to  the  rank  of  Major.  lie  was  aid  to  Gen.  Monckton  at 
the  capture  of  Martinico,  and  was  with  Braddock  at  his  defeat 
in  1755.  At  the  close  of  that  war  he  settled  in  Virginia, 
where  he  resided  till  the  commencement  of  the  revolution  in 
1775,  when  he  received  from  Congress  the  appointment  of 
Adjutant-General,  and  accompanied  General  Washington  to 
Cambridge.  In  June,  1776,  he  was  advanced  to  the  command 
of  the  Army  in  Canada.  General  Schuyler  succeeded  him  a 
few  months  in  1777,  but  in  August  he  resumed  his  station,  and 
in  the  following  October  revived  the  hopes  of  his  country,  and 


7 1)  NOTES. 

overthrew  those  of  the  British  by  the  capture  of  Bnrgoyne  and 
his  army.  In  June,  1780,  he  was  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  Southern  department,  but  being  soon  after  defeated  by 
Cornwallis  at  Camden,  was  in  consequence  superseded  by 
General  GreeDe.  lie  was  restored  to  his  command  in  1782. 
After  the  termination  of  the  war  he  resided  on  his  farm  in 
Virginia  until  1790,  when  he  moved  to  New  York,  and  died 
there  in  1806  at  the  age  of  77. 


(*).  William  Livingston  was  the  son  of  Philip  Livingston, 
and  was  descended  from  a  Scotch  family,  and  born  in  Albany, 
N.  Y.,  in  November,  1723.  At  the  age  of  14  he  entered  Yale 
College,  and  graduated  at  that  institution  in  1741,  with  the 
highest  honors.  After  leaving  college  he  commenced  the 
study  of  the  law,  in  1748  was  admitted  to  the  bar,  and  soon 
rose  to  eminence  in  his  profession.  After  his  removal  to  New 
Jersey,  he  was  chosen  a  memher  of  the  first  Congress  in  1774, 
having  previously  signalized  himself  by  his  writings  against 
the  encroachments  of  Britain.  On  the  deposition  of  William 
Franklin  and  the  formation  of  a  new  Constitution,  he  was 
elected  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  and  continued  in  the  office 
till  bis  death.  He  was  a  delegate  to  the  convention  which 
formed  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and  was  one  of 
its  most  able  members.  He  was  plain  and  simple  in  his  habits, 
and  unostentatious  in  his  manners.  Besides  his  political 
writings,  he  was  the  author  of  some  essays  upon  miscellaneous 
topics,  and  a  poem  on  the  "  Choice  of  a  Rural  Life.*'  He  died 
at  his  seat  in  Elizabethtown,  X.  J.,  July  25th,  1790,  at  the  age 
of  67. 


77 


(<>).   "  Trenton,  June  14. 


The  following  extract  is  taken  from  a  letter  received  by  a  gentleman 
in  Morris  Town  from  bis  friend  in  Sussex  County. 

"On  Sunday  morning  the  4th  [June]  instant,  about  one 
o'clock.  Major  Hoops  having  reason  to  believe  that  disaffected 
persons  were  in  his  neighbourhood,  discovered  a  fellow  in 
company  with  a  woman  near  his  house;  he  immediately  ques- 
tioned them;  the  woman  prevaricated,  and  the  man  hesitating 
in  his  answers,  gave  him  suspicions:  upon  which  he  desired 
them  to  walk  into  the  house,  that  he  might  be  fully  assured 
of  what  they  told  him.  Major  Hoops  on  his  way  to  the  house 
looking  round,  found  the  man  running  away;  he  pursued  and 
took  him,  not  without  wounding  the  fellow  through  the  arm. 
with  a  small  sword,  upon  seeing  a  cocked  pistol  in  his  band- 
He  was  discovered  to  be  a  Levy  soldier  in  his  regimentals, 
belonging  to  the  corps  of  Jersey  Volunteers;  on  bringing  him 
to  the  light,  the  Major  presented  one  of  the  pistols  he  had 
taken  from  him  to  his  head,  and  resolutely  declared  lie  would 
put  him  to  death  if  he  did  not  inform  him  of  his  designs  in 
coming  to  this  part  of  the  country.  He  said  that  about  three 
weeks  ago  he  came  out  with  Lieut.  Moody,  and  another,  from 
Xew  York,  who  had  received  instructions  from  General  Kny- 
pbansen,  but  he  kept  them  secret :  only  hinting  that  he  was 
to  take  some  person  oft' within  two  miles  of  Morris-Town,  but 
finding  that  he  was  not  at  home,  nor  would  be  before  the  15th 
of  this  month,  they  came  up  here  in  order  to  pass  their  time 
away  till  the  person  returned  :  That  he  hail  left  Moody  in  the 
road  near  the  Moravian  Mills:  that  he  had  liberty  to  go  to  his 
uncle's,  one  Matthew  Lowrey,  where  he  was  then  going  had 
not  Major  Hoops  disappointed  him  :  and  that  he  was  to  meet 
Moody  and  his  companion  on  the  top  of  Jenny  Jump  mountain 


7*  NOTES. 

on  Thursday  night,  when  they  were  to  proceed  on  their  in- 
tended expedition. 

"  After  leaving  him  under  guard,  and  collecting  his  own 
people,  and  a  few  of  his  neighbours,  pursuit  was  given  to 
.Moody,  but  unfortunately  could  not  make  any  discoveries." 

iVeio  Jersey  Gazette.  June  14.  1780. 

(10)  Lievt.-Gex.  Jons  Birooyxe  was  the  natural  son  of 
Lord  Bingley.  He  entered  the  British  army  at  an  early  age. 
While  quartered  with  his  regiment  at  Preston,  he  married 
Lady  Charlotte  Stanley,  whose  father,  the  Earl  of  Derby,  was 
so  incensed  at  the  match,  that  he  threatened  utterly  to  discard 
her.  A  reconciliation,  however,  took  place,  and  the  Earl  al- 
lowed him  £300  a  year  during  his  life,  and  by  his  will  be- 
queathed her  a  legacy  of  £25,000.  The  influence  of  the  family 
to  which  Burgoyne  had  thus  become  allied,  tended  materially 
to  accelerate  bis  professional  advancement.  In  17*'>2  he  acted 
as  a  Brigadier-General  of  the  British  forces,  which  were  sent 
for  the  defense  of  Portugal  against  France  and  Spain,  where 
he  showed  considerable  military  skill.  In  1775  he  was  ap- 
pointed to  a  command  in  America,  whence  he  returned  the 
following  year.  In  1777  he  resumed  his  post  and  issued  a 
proclamation  to  the  Indians,  in  which  he  invited  them  to  his 
standard,  but  deprecated  with  due  severity  the  cruel  practice 
of  scalping.  The  pompous  turgidity  of  style  in  which  this  ad- 
dress  was  couched,  excited  the  ridicule  of  the  Americans,  and 
procured  for  him  the  soubriquet  of  "  Chrononhotonthologos." 
His  first  operations  were  successful:  he  dislodged  the  Americans 
from  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence,  and  took  128 
piece-  of  cannon,  all  their  armed  vessels  and  batteries,  as  well 
as  a  considerable  part  of  their  baggage,  ammunition,  provis- 
ions, and  military  stores.     His  subsequent  career  was  truly 


NOTES.  19 

disastrous  ■  his  troops  suffered  macli  from  bad  roads,  incleinert 
weather  and  a  scarcity   of  provisions;  the    Indians   who  had 

previously  assisted  him,  deserted,  and  the  Americans  under 
Gen.  Gates  surrounded  him  with  a  superior  force,  to  which, 
though  victorious  in  two  engagements,  lie  was  at  length  com- 
pelled to  capitulate  at  Saratoga,  with  the  whole  of  his  army. 
This  event,  which  rendered  him  equally  odious  to  the  British 
Government  and  the  people  at  large,  was  for  some  time  the 
leading  topic  of  the  press,  and  numberless  lampoons  appeared 
in  which  the  General's  conduct  was  most  severely  satirized. 
The  punsters  of  the  day,  taking  advantage  of  the  American 
General's  name,  amused  themselves  unmercifully  at  Burgoyne's 
expense,  but  of  all  their  effusions,  which  for  the  most  part 
were  more  virulent  than  pointed,  the  following  harmless  epi- 
gram, poor  as  it  is,  appears  to  have  been  the  best : 

••  Burgoyne,  unconscious  of  th'  impending  fates. 
Could  cut  his  way  thro'  woods,  but  not  thro'  Gates." 

Iii  May,  1778,  he  returned  to  England  on  his  parole,  but  was 
denied  an  audience  by  the  King,  and  he  in  vain  solicited  a 
court-martial.  In  1779  he  was  dismissed  the  service,  but  was 
restored  three  years  afterwards,  and  appointed  Commander- 
in-Chief  in  Ireland,  and  sworn  in  one  of  the  privy  council  of 
that  kingdom.  He  died  at  his  house  in  Hertford  Street,  sud- 
denlv,  of  a  fit  of  the  gout,  August  4,  1794. 


(n).  Maj.-Gex.  Axtiioxy  Wayne  was  born  in  Chester  County, 
Penn.,  on  the  1st  January,  1745,  and  was  educated  as  a  Sur- 
veyor. In  1773  he  was  chosen  to  a  seat  in  the  Legislature  of 
his  State,  and  took  an  active  part  in  opposing  the  injustice  of 
Great  Britain.     In  1775  he  entered  the  army  as  a  Colonel,  and 


80  NOTES. 

accompanied  General  Thompson  to  Canada.  He  was  after- 
wards under  Gen.  Gates,  at  Ticonderoga,  and  was  subsequently 
advanced  to  the  rank  of  Brig.- General.  In  the  campaign  of 
1777  he  acted  an  important  part.  At  the  battle  of  Brandy- 
wine  he  made  a  brave  defense  at  the  ford  against  the  attack 
of  Gen.  Knyphausen,  but  a  few  days  after,  being  detached  with 
1500  men  to  hang  on  the  British  rear,  he  was  surprised  and 
defeated.  He  afterwards  fought  at  Gerinantown  and  Mon- 
nionth,  and  in  1779  commanded  the  troops  at  the  successful 
-tunning  of  Stony  Point,  where  he  acquired  great  honor.  In 
1781  lie  served  in  Georgia,  where  he  was  victorious  in  several 
battles  with  the  French  and  Indians.  In  1787  he  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Convention  of  Pennsylvania  which  ratified  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  In  1792  he  was  appointed  to 
the  command  of  the  western  army  as  successor  of  St.  Clair, 
and  at  the  battle  of  Miami,  in  1794,  he  gained  a  complete 
victory  over  the  Indians,  compelling  them  to  sue  for  peace. 
He  remained  in  that  region  till  the  loth  Dec.  1796,  when  he 
died  at  Presque  Isle  in  his  52d  year.  His  remains  were  after- 
wards brought  to  his  native  State,  where  they  were  interred, 
and  a  handsome  monument  erected  to  his  memory.  He  was 
one  of  the  most  brilliant  officers  of  the  revolution,  and  one  of 
the  most  popular. 

The  following  account  of  the  capture  of  Mr.  Moody  we  liml  in  the 
papers  of  the  day : 

I,.).   "Chatham,  August  2. 

We  have  the  pleasure  to  assure  our  readers, 
that  Ensign  Moody,  a  refugee  from  Sussex  to  the  British  army, 
and  who  was  lately  sent  from  New  York  with  a  party  of  ruf- 
fians for  the  purpose  of  burning  Sussex  gaol,  of  taking  or 


81 


assassinating  Governor  Livingston  and  the  persons  who  were 
active  in  apprehending  the  three  -pies  lately  executed,  and  of 
inlisting  our  inhabitants  in  the  service  of  the  British  tyrant. 
was  lately  captured  himself  by  the  vigorous  exertions  of  Capt. 
Lawrence  of  the  Xew  York  State  levies,  near  the  English 
Neighbourhood.  The  instruction-  found  upon  Moody,  in  order 
to  give  the  better  colour  to  his  private  directions  for  inlisting 
and  assassinating,  and  to  prevent  his  being  treated  as  a  spy 
from  the  military  stile,  what  he  was  to  produce,  in  case  of  his 
being  taken  prisoner,  was  in  the  following  terms : 

•Head-Quarters.  May  tenth,  New  York.  1780. 

■Sir: 

You  are  hereby  directed  and  authorized  to  proceed 
without  loss  of  time,  with  a  small  detachment,  into  the  Jer- 
seys, by  the  most  convenient  route,  in  order  to  carry  off  the 
person  of  Governor  Livingston,  or  any  other  acting  in  public 
station,  whom  you  may  fall  in  with  in  the  course  of  your 
march,  or  any  person  whom  you  may  meet  with,  and  whom  it 
may  be  necessary  to  secure  for  your  own  security,  and  that  of 
the  party  under  your  command. 

'Should  you  succeed  in  taking  Governor  Livingston,  you 
are  to  treat  him  according  to  his  station,  as  far  as  lies  in  your 
power  ;  nor  are  you.  upon  any  account,  to  offer  any  violence 
to  his  person.  You  will  use  your  endeavour  to  get  possession 
of  his  papers,  which  you  will  take  care  of.  and.  upon  your 
return,  deliver  at  head-quarters. 

By  order  of  his  Excellency  Lieutenant-General  Knyphausen. 

GEO.   BECKWITH, 

Aid-de-Camp. 


To  Ensign  Moody,  1st  battalion  | 
New-Jersey  Volunteers.'       ) 


*2  NOTES. 

•'It  is  said  that  all  Moody's  party,  except  one,  who  attempted 
to  swim  the  North  river  in  his  Sight,  and  is  supposed  to  be 
drowned,  have  been  either  captured  or  killed  by  tbe  activity 
of  our  inhabitants;  and  as  to  the  famous  or  infamous  Ensign 
himself,  the  great  taker  of  Governors  and  general  gaol  deliverer 
of  Sussex,  he  is  at  present  safely  lodged  at  West-Point;  and  if 
lie  has  justice  done  him,  it  is  generally  supposed,  as  our  cor- 
respondent observes,  that  he  will  be  hanged  for  a  spy.  for 
inlisting  our  citizens  in  the  British  army,  and  coming  with  a 
party  so  small  as  nine,  and  with  weapons  concealed,  either  of 
which  are,  according  to  the  present  construction  of  all  the 
nations  of  Europe,  characteristic  of  a  Spy. 

It  is  reported  that  another  party  was  sent  from  Staten- 
Island  last  week  for  the  express  purpose  of  assassinating  his 
Excellency  our  Governor.  Ought  not  such  bloody  measures 
to  be  retaliated  upon  the  enemy  V 

N.  Jersey  Journal,  Wed.  Augt.  2,  178(1. 


(is).  Ma.t.-Gen.  Robert  Howe  was  born  in  Brunswick, 
North  Carolina.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution,  he 
espoused  the  American  cause,  and  was  appointed  Colonel  of 
the  1st  North  Carolina  regiment,  and  at  once  took  the  field. 
In  December  1775  he  joined  Col.  Woodford  at  Norfolk,  and 
was  engaged  with  him  in  the  contest  with  Lord  Dunmore  and 
his  party.  On  the  29th  January  1776.  he  was  appointed  a 
Brig.-Gen.  of  the  Continental  Army,  and  ordered  to  Virginia. 
In  the  year  1778  he  was  placed  in  chief  command  of  the 
Southern  troops,  and  was  engaged  in  the  expedition  against 
Florida  and  also  in  the  defense  of  Savannah,  in  both  of  which 
he  was  unsuccessful.  In  consequence  of  his  failure,  he  was 
severelv  censured  at  the  time.     In  17S0  he  was  for  a  time 


83 


Commander  at  West  Point.    The  time  of  bis  death  is  unknown 
to  us. 


(w).  Maj.-Gen.  Benedict  Arnold  was  born  in  Norwich,  Con- 
necticut, January  3, 1741,  and  was  brought  up  as  a  surgeon.  He 
quitted  his  profession  for  the  sea,  and  was  for  some  years  en- 
gaged as  master  of  a  trading  vessel.  At  the  commencement  of 
the  Revolution,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  the  colonies,  and  took 
command  of  a  company  of  volunteers  at  New  Haven.  He  was 
afterwards  at  the  siege  of  Quebec,  where  he  received  a  wound 
in  the  leg,  and  upon  the  failure  of  the  expedition,  he  withdrew 
the  remains  of  his  forces  to  Crown  Point.  He  was  afterwards 
employed  on  Lake  Champlain,  where  he  greatly  distinguished 
himself,  as  he  did  also  subsequently  at  the  battle  of  Saratoga, 
where  his  services  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  success  of  the 
American,  over  Bnrgoyne.  Some  time  after  this  he  was  placed 
in  command  of  West  Point,  and  then  began  to  concert  the 
means  of  putting  this  strong  fort  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
In  the  attempt  to  carry  out  the  nefarious  plot,  poor  Andre 
was  sacrificed,  and  Arnold  with  difficulty  escaped  on  board  a 
British  sloop-of-war.  He  was  made  a  Brig.-General  by  the 
British,  and  employed  by  them  in  several  enterprises,  particu- 
larly at  New  London,  Conn.,  and  Norfolk,  \'a.  On  the  return 
of  peace,  he  went  to  England,  and  died  in  London,  June  14,  1801- 
His  remains  were  interred  at  Brompti  n. 


(is).  The  reader  will  recollect  that  at  this  very  time,  Arnold 
was  executing  the  treason  which  has  made  his  name  infamous. 
His  barbarous  treatment  of  Mr.  Moody  was  exercised  for  no 
other  purpose  than  as  a  subterfuge  to  lull  suspicion  and  cover 
the  villainy  of  the  traitor. 


84  NOTES. 

I,,.),  Gen.  Edwabd  Matiiew  entered  the  British  array  as  an 

Ensign  in  the  Cold  Stream  Guards,  January  24-,  1740,  received 
his  Lieutenancy  December  17,  1751,  and  became  Captain  and 
Lieut.-Colonel  March  20,  1762.  He  was  appointed  Colonel  in 
the  army  March  20,  1775,  and  eight  days  after,  Aid-de-Camp 
to  the  King.  He  came  to  America  in  1776,  in  command  of  a 
brigade  ot  the  Guards,  with  the  rank  of  Brigadier-Gen.,  and 
in  1778  lie  commanded  the  party  sent  to  destroy  Gosport,  Vir- 
ginia. In  February,  1779,  he  was  advanced  to  the  rank  of 
Major-Gen.  He  became  Colonel  of  the  62d  regiment  the  same 
year,  and  was  stationed  at  or  near  New  York  in  1780,  in  which 
year  he  returned  home.  He  was  appointed  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  the  forces  in  the  West  Indies,  with  the  local  rank  of 
Lieut.-Gen.,  Nov.  20,  1782,  and  in  1783  became  Governor- 
General  of  Grenada  and  the  Southern  Carribee  Islands.  In 
the  year  171*7  he  was  advanced  to  the  rank  of  General  in  the 
army,  and  died  at  Clanville-lodge,  Hants,  December  26,  18U5, 
after  a  few  days'  illness,  in  the  78th  year  of  his  age. 


(n).  William  Burtis,  of  Westchester  County,  N.  Y..  a 
refugee,  was  sent  in  1779  a  prisoner  from  White  Plains  by  Col. 
Burr,  who  wrote  Malcolm  that  Burtis  wished  to  secure  the 
favor  of  the  Whigs  by  giving  them  information.  In  1780, 
Burtis  was  confined  at  West  Point  under  sentence  of  death,  for 
communication  with  the  British  General  Mathew.  At  the 
restoration  of  peace,  he  went  to  New  Brunswick,  and  died  at 
St.  John,  in  1835,  aged  75  years. 


(i8).  Col.  Alexander  Scammel  was  horn  in  Mendon,  now 
Milford,  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  about  the  year  1748, 


85 


and  graduated  at  Harvard  College  in  1769.  He  was  subse- 
quently employed  for  some  time  as  a  teacher  of  a  school,  and 
also  as  a  surveyor  of  lands,  assisting  Capt.  Holland  in  surveys 
for  his  map  of  Xew  Hampshire.  lie  also  studied  law  for  a 
while  in  the  office  of  General  Sullivan.  In  1775,  he  was  ap- 
pointed Brigade  Major,  and  in  1776,  Colonel  of  the  third  bat- 
talion of  continental  troops  raised  in  Xew  Hampshire.  In 
1771,  Colonel  Scammel  commanded  the  third  regiment  of  that 
State,  and  was  wounded  in  the  desperate  battle  of  Saratoga. 
In  1780,  the  levy  of  Xew  Hampshire  was  reduced  To  two  regi- 
ments, when  he  commanded  the  first.  He  was  afterwards 
appointed  Adjutant-General  of  the  American  armies,  in  which 
office  he  was  deservedly  popular,  and  secured  the  esteem  of  the 
officers  of  the  army  generally.  With  this  situation  lie  finally 
became  dissatisfied,  because  it  often  excused  him  from  those 
dangers  to  which  others  were  exposed  -,  and  preferring  a  more 
active  command,  he  was  put  at  the  head  of  a  regiment  of  light 
infantry.  On  the  30th  of  September,  1781,  at  the  memorable 
and  successful  siege  of  Yorktown,  he  was  officer  of  the  day ; 
and  while  reeonnoitering  the  situation  of  the  enemy,  he  was 
surprised  by  a  party  of  their  horse;  and  after  being  taken 
prisoner,  was  inhumanly  wounded  by  them.  He  was  conveyed 
to  the  city  of  Williamsbargh,  Virginia,  where  he  died  Oct.  6, 
1781,  at  the  age  of  33.  Col.  Scammel  was  an  officer  of  uncom- 
mon merit.  He  was  amiable  and  winning  in  his  manners,  and 
his  loss  was  deeply  regretted. 


(io).  Gen.  Oliver  De  Laxcey,  of  the  British  Regular  Army, 
the  youngest  of  the  two  sons  of  Brig.-Gen.  Oliver  De  Lancey, 
of  Xew  York,  by  his  wife  Phila,  daughter  of  David  Franks, 
of  Philadelphia,  was   born  in  1753,  in  the  city  of  Xew  York. 


Sfi 


He  \v;is  educated  for  the  army,  and  was  commissioned  a  Cor- 
net in  the  14th  Dragoons  in  1T76,  while  pursuing  military 
studies  in  England,  lie  being  at  that  time  in  his  thirteenth 
year.  In  May,  1773,  he  was  made  a  Captain  in  the  17tli  Light 
Dragoons — a  regiment  in  which  he  remained  for  the  long 
period  of  forty-nine  years,  holding  successively  every  rank  in 
it,  and  dying  as  its  Colonel,  when  a  full  General  in  the  British 
army.  Previous  to  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  in  America,  he 
wrote  and  published  in  New  York,  a  pamphlet  entitled  ■'Con- 
siderations on  the  propriety  of  imposing  Taxes  on  the  British 
Colonies,"  which  met  with  favor,  and  passed  through  several 
editions  in  London.  During  the  American  war,  he  served 
with  distinction  on  Long  Island,  in  Xew  York,  New  Jersey, 
Pennsylvania,  and  also  in  the  Carolinas,  where  he  participated 
in  the  operations  at  the  siege  of  Charleston.  At  the  battle  of 
Brooklyn,  he  led  the  advance  of  the  British  forces,  seizing  and 
holding  the  pass  through  which  Clinton's  army  advanced 
against  and  forced  the  American  lines,  thereby  obtaining  the 
victory.  He  was  the  intimate  personal  friend  of  Major  Andre, 
and  succeeded  him  as  Adjutant  General  of  the  British  army  in 
America.  In  1781  he  was  promoted  to  the  Lieut. -Colonelcy 
of  the  17th  Light  Dragoons.  In  1700  he  was  appointed 
Deputy -Adjutant-General  of  the  entire  English  forces,  with 
the  rank  of  Colonel.  Four  years  afterwards  he  was  made  a 
Major -General,  and  at  the  same  time  appointed  by  Mr.  Pitt, 
Barrack-Master-General  of  the  British  empire,  an  office  which 
he  held  for  ten  years.  In  May,  1795,  he  was  promoted  to  the 
Colonelcy  of  the  17th  Light  Dragoons,  in  1801  he  attained  the 
rank  of  Lieut.-General,  and  in  1812  became  a  full  General  of 
the  British  army,  lie  sat  for  many  years  in  the  British  Par- 
liament at  the  time  when  Pitt,  Fox  and  Burke  graced  the 
House  of  Commons      Gen.  De  Lancev  died  at  Edinburgh,  in 


NOTES. 


81 


Scotland,  Sept.  3,  1  ^'22.  and   h'.s  remain-  were  interred  in  St. 
John's  Chape]  in  that  city. 

(20).  Jean  Baptists  Donatien  db  Yimecr.  Count  de  Ro- 
ohambeau,  Marshal  of  France,  was  born  at  Yendome  in  1725. 
and  entered  the  army  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  In  1746  he 
became  Aid-de-Camp  to  Louis  Philiipe.  Duke  of  Orleans,  and 
afterwards,  obtaining  the  command  of  the  regiment  of  La 
Marche,  distinguished  himself  at  the  battle  of  Lafeldt,  where 
he  was  wounded.  He  afterwards  obtained  fresh  laurels  at 
Creveldt,  Minden,  Corbach,  and  Clostercamp ;  and  having 
been  made.  Lieut. -General,  was  in  1780  sent  with  an  army  of 
6,000  men  to  the  assistance  of  the  Americans.  He  acted  in 
concert  with  Washington,  first  against  Gen.  Clinton  in  yew- 
York,  and  then  against  Cornwallis  in  Virginia.  He  was  raised 
to  the  rank  of  Marshal  by  Louis  XVI.  and  after  the  revolution, 
was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  army  of  the  North,  but 
he  was  superseded  by  more  active  officers,  and  being  calum- 
niated by  the  popular  journalists,  he  addressed  to  the  Legisla- 
tive Assembly  a  vindication  of  his  conduct.  A  decree  of 
approbation  was  consequently  passed  in  May  1702,  and  he 
retired  to  his  estate  near  Yend&me.  with  a  determination  to 
interfere  no  more  with  public  affairs.  He  was  subsequently 
arrested,  and  narrowly  escaped  suffering  death  under  the 
tyranny  of  Robespierre.  In  1803  he  was  presented  to  Buona- 
parte, who  granted  him  a  pension  and  the  cross  of  grand  officer 
of  the  legion  of  honor.  His  death  took  place  in  1807,  at  the 
age  of  61.     His  ''Memoirs"  were  published  in  1809. 

(01).  Baron,  William  Yon  Kxyphausen,  Lieut. -General  in 
the  British  service  during  the  American  revolution,  was  born 


88  NOTES. 

in  Alcase,  tlien  one  of  the  Rhenish  provinces,  about  the  year 
1730.  His  father  was  Colonel  of  the  German  Regt.  of  Ditt- 
forth,  in  the  service  of  John,  Duke  of  Marlborough,  and  his 
own  military  career  commenced  in  the  service  of  Frederick 
William  I.  of  Prussia,  the  father  of  Frederick  the  Great.  Sub- 
sequently he  served  in  the  several  wars  waged  by  the  latter 
against  Austria.  In  1776  he  received  from  the  British  govern- 
ment the  command  of  12,000  Waldeckers  and  Hessians  hired 
to  aid  in  repressing  the  insurrection  in  the  American  colonies, 
and  arrived  in  New  York  in  time  to  participate  in  the  battle 
of  Brooklyn,  August,  1776.  He  was  at  the  battle  of  White 
Plains,  and  aided  in  the  capture  of  Fort  Washington  in  Novem- 
ber 1776,  and  in  the  defeat  of  the  American  forces  at  Brandy- 
wine  in  the  succeeding  year.  In  June  1780,  being  then  in  the 
temporary  command  of  the  British  troops  in  New  York, 
during  the  absence  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  at  the  South,  he  made 
a  descent  into  the  Jerseys  with  5,000  men,  in  the  hope  of  rally- 
ing the  disaffected  Americans  to  the  royal  standard,  but  he 
accomplished  little  beyond  sacking  the  village  of  Connecticut 
Farms.  On  the  23d  he  re-entered  the  Jerseys  with  re-enforce- 
ments, and  attacked  the  detachment  under  Greene,  which 
occupied  Springfield  and  the  heights  in  the  rear.  But  so 
skillful  were  the  dispositions  of  the  American  general,  that 
after  an  indecisive  conflict,  Knyphausen  again  returned  to 
Staten  Island,  after  burning  the  village  of  Springfield.  lie 
was  a  man  of  fine  personal  appearance,  about  5  feet  11  inches 
in  height,  straight  and  slender.  His  features  were  sharp,  and 
his  appearance  martial,  and  he  was  remarkably  amiable  and 
simple-minded.  It  is  said  he  used  to  spread  his  bread  with  his 
thumb.  Gen.  Lafayette  was  in  the  habit  of  telling  an  anecdote 
concerning  him,  on  the  authority  of  British  officers.  The 
passage  to  America  was  very  long,  and  one  night,  while  play- 


89 


ing  whist  in  the  cabin,  Knyphansen  suddenly  turned  to  the 
commander  of  the  vessel,  and  said,  with  an  air  of  much  sin- 
cerity, "  Captain,  ain't  ice  hah  sailed  past  America  V  The 
Baron  died  in  Berlin,  in  Prussia,  on  the  2d  day  of  June,  1789, 
aged  59. 

(as).  Charles  Thomson  was  born  in  Ireland  in  1729,  and 
came  to  America  with  his  three  elder  brothers  about  1741. 
He  landed  at  Newcastle,  Delaware,  with  slender  means  of  sub- 
sistence. Having  been  educated  by  Dr.  Allison,  he  kept  the 
Friends'  Academy.  He  afterwards  went  to  Philadelphia, 
where  he  obtained  the  adviee  and  friendship  of  Dr.  Franklin. 
At  the  first  Congress  in  1774,  he  was  called  upon  to  take 
minutes  of  their  measures,  and  from  that  time  he  was  the  sole 
Secretary  of  the  Revolutionary  Congress.  He  resigned  his 
office  in  July  1789,  having  held  it  fifteen  years.  His  mind  was 
enriched  with  various  learning,  and  his  character  was  marked 
by  regularity,  probity,  firmness,  and  patriotism.  He  trans- 
lated the  Septuagint,  and  his  work  was  published  in  1808. 
His  wife's  maiden  name  was  Hannah  Harrison.  She  was  the 
aunt  of  Gen.  AVm.  H.  Harrison,  late  President  of  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Thomson  died  at  Lower  Merlon,  Montgomery 
County,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  K3th  day  of  August  1824,  aged 
94  years.  His  wife  died  in  1807.  Their  remains  lie  interred 
in  Laurell  Hill  Cemetery,  near  Philadelphia,  having  been 
removed  in  1838  from  Lower  Merion,  where  they  had  originally 
been  deposited. 

The  following  accounts  of  the  capture  of  Marr  and  Moody,  and  the 
subsequent  death  of  the  latter,  we  take  from  the  papers  of  the  day. 

(o3).  "  Philadelphia,  November  14. 

On  Thursday  morning  last,  [8th  Nov:  1781]  Laurence 
Marr  and  John  Moody,  both  of  Col.  Barton's  Tory  regiment, 


90 


were  apprehended  in  this  city  on  suspicion  of  being  spie-.  <  mi 
the  two  following  days  they  were  indulged  with  a  candid  and 
fall  bearing,  before  a  respectable  board  of  officers,  whereof  the 

honourable  major  general  the  marquis  de  Lafayette  was  pre- 
sent. It  appeared  their  business  was  to  steal  and  carry  off  the 
secret  journals  of  Congress,  and  other  papers,  to  Xew  York. 
They  have  made  several  interesting  discoveries  of  many  per- 
sons in  these  states,  who  are  doing  their  utmost  to  rain  their 
country.  The  names  of  these  ingrates  will  appear  in  proper 
time.  The  board  of  officers  having  reported  to  the  honourable 
board  of  war,  their  opinion  was  approved,  and  Marr  and 
Moody  were  both  sentenced  to  die ;  which  sentence  was  exe- 
cuted on  Moody  yesterday  between  the  hours  of  eleven  and 
twelve.  Marr  is  respited  until  Friday  the  23d  inst.  From 
Saturday  evening  until  yesterday,  the  criminals  were  both 
attended  by  a  gentleman  of  the  clerical  order,  who  gives  us 
ground  to  hope  they  were  real  penitents,  as  from  the  begin- 
ning of  their  confinement  they  manifested  the  greatest  con- 
trition for  all  their  sins,  political  and  moral.  The  enemy,  who 
at  this  period  seem  equal  to  no  exploits  superior  to  fobbing 
mails  and  stealing  papers,  may  thank  the  monster  Benedict 
Arnold,  their  beloved  friend,  for  the  untimely  death  of  this 
young  man,  who  was  only  in  his  23d  year.*' 

Freeman's  Journal,  IVed  :  Nov  :  14,  1781. 


"  Xew  York,  November  21. 

The  report  of  the  death  of  Lieut.  James  Moody, 
proves  a  mistake,  he  being  now  iu  this  city,  but  his  brother 
John  Moody,  after  being  seized  at  Philadelphia,  was  put  to 
death  by  the  rebels,  and  his  body  carried  for  interment  to  his 
distressed  father,  and  relations  at  Egg-Harbour." 

Kivington,  Nov.  21,  1781. 


91 


(aO-  Sib  Hexry  Clihtos  was  the  eldest  son  of  Admiral 
George  Clinton,  formerly  Governor  of  the  Province  of  New 
York.  He  entered  the  army  at  an  early  age.  lie  became 
Lieut,  in  the  Cold  .Stream  Guards,  Nov.  1,  1751,  Oapt.  in  the 
1st  Foot  Guards,  May  6,  1758,  Colonel  in  the  army,  1762,  and 
of  the  12th  Eegt.  of  Foot,  Nov.  28,  1706.  He  gained  great 
credit  for  his  services  during  the  seven  years'  war  in  Germany, 
and  rose  to  the  rank  of  Major-General,  May  25,  1772,  and  in 
May  1775  arrived  at  Boston.  He  distinguished  himself  at  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  and  was  rewarded  in  September  follow- 
ing by  being  created  Knight  of  the  Bath,  and  advanced  to 
the  rank  of  Lieut.-General  in  America.  In  January,  1776.  he 
was  appointed  General,  and  was  defeated  that  year  at  Sulli- 
van's Island,  and  in  August  following,  commanded  a  division 
in  the  battle  of  Brooklyn.  In  October  be  defeated  a  portion 
of  the  American  army  on  the  Bronx  river,  in  Westchester 
County,  in  1777  was  appointed  Lieut.-General  in  the  army,  and 
was  afterwards  present  at  the  storming  ot  torts  Washington 
and  Clinton.  In  1778  he  was  commissioned  Commander-in- 
Chief,  and  conducted  the  retreat  from  Philadelphia  to  Xew 
York,  and  in  December  embarked  for  Charleston,  S.  ('..  which 
he  reduced.  He  was  succeeded  in  the  chief  command  by 
General  Carleton  in   1782.  when  he  returned  to  England.     In 

1782,  he  published  a  Narrative  of  his  conduct  in  America,  in 

1783,  Observations  on Cornwallis'  Answer,  and  in  17H4-.  Obser- 
vations on  Mr.  Stedman's  History  of  the  American  War.  He 
died  December  13,  1795. 


(25).  William  Franklin  was  the  son  of  the  celebrated  Dr. 
I  Jen  j.  Franklin,  and  was  born  about  the  year  1731.  He  re- 
ceived a  good  education,  and  was  bred  for  the  profession  of 


92 


law.  Ju  the  French  \v:tr  he  acted  as  a  captain,  and  gained 
great  praise  for  his  conduct  at  Tioonderoga.  Before  the  de- 
claration of  peace  lie  went  to  England  with  his  father,  where 
both  were  received  with  marked  attention.  In  the  year  1763 
he  was  appointed  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  which  office  he 
held  for  several  years.  His  appointment  was  an  unpopular 
one,  arising  in  part  from  the  illegitimacy  of  his  birth,  hut  prin- 
cipally from  his  "  time-serving  conduct  and  courtier-like  pro- 
pensities." When  the  Revolutionary  War  broke  out  he  took 
the  side  of  the  Crown,  and  his  subsequent  course  of  conduct 
rendered  him  so  obnoxious  that  he  was  finally  ousted  from 
office  in  1776,  and  William  Livingston,  a  member  of  the  First 
Continental  Congress,  became  his  successor.  The  deposed 
Governor  was  declared  an  enemy  to  the  country,  and  was  con- 
sequently imprisoned,  but  on  the  arrival  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
in  1778,  his  exchange  was  effected,  and  he  was  set  at  liberty. 
He  served  for  a  short  period  as  President  of  the  Board  of 
Loyalists,  and  then  went,  to  England,  lie  and  his  father  wrere 
for  a  long  time  estranged,  hut  a  reconciliation  was  eventually 
effected,  though  it  is  evident  that  the  latter  remembered  his 
son's  course  of  conduct  to  the  last.  Governor  Franklin  died 
in  November,  1S13.  at  the  age  of  about  80  years. 

(as)-  CoRTLANDT  Skinneb,  of  New  Jersey,  was  Attorney- 
General  of  that  Colony  at  the  commencement  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, and  in  the  performance  of  his  official  duties  evinced  much 
ability  and  integrity.  He  accepted  service  under  the  Crown, 
and  was  authorized  to  raise  a  corps  of  Loyalists  to  consist  of 
2,500  men.  He  was  allowed  to  nominate  his  own  officers. 
Three  battalions  were  organized  and  officered,  and  called  the 
Xew  Jersey  Volunteers.  The  enlistments  of  common  soldiers 
were    slow.      After   several  months    of   active    exertion,    the 


93 


whole  number  of  men  who  had  rallied  under  his  standard  was 
but  1,101.  Skinner  continued  in  command  of  the  corps  with 
the  rank  of  Brigadier-General.  At  the  restoration  of  peace, 
he  went  to  England,  and  died  in  Bristol  in  1799,  at  the  age 
of  71. 

(a7).  Gbnbkai.  James  Pattisojj  was   appointed  Captain  of 

Artillery  Angost  1.  1747,  Lieut. -Colouel  in  the  army  in  1761, 
and  Colonel  Commandant  of  Artillery.  April  -25th.  1777.  On 
tip-  19th  of  February,  1779,  he  was  appointed  Major-General, 
and  in  the  month  of  July  following  was  made  Commandant 
of  the  Garrison  of  New  York,  in  place  of  Lieut.  -General  Jones, 
lie  accompanied  the  army  against  Charleston  in  1780,  and  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  Lieut. -General  September  28,  17*7.  and 
on  the  26th  January,  1707.  attained  the  rank  of  General  in  the 
British  army.  lie  died  al  his  house  in  LL ill  Street,  Berkley 
Square,  London,  March  1,  1805,  at  the  age  of  81  years. 


1  j- 1.  Sir  George  Beckwitii  was  the  second  son  of  Major- 
General  Beckwith,  and  was  born  in  1753.  lie  was  bred  to 
the  army,  and  became,  July  20.  1771.  an  ensiirn  of  the  37th 
Foot;  obtained  a  lieutenancy  July  7.  1775,  and  in  the  following 
year  embarked  for  America  under  Cornwallis.  On  his  arrival 
he  was  nominated  Adjutant  to  a  battalion  of  grenadier-,  and 
shortly  after  served  in  the  operations  against  Charleston,  and 
then  in  the  battle  of  Brooklyn,  at  the  landing  on  Xew  York 
island,  at  the  battle  of  White  Plains,  and  at  the  taking  of  Fort 
Montgomery,  soon  after  which  he  embarked  for  Rhode  Island. 
In  February,  1777.  he  rejoined  the  body  of  the  army  in  New 
Jersey,  where  he  remained  till  July,  when  he  purchased  a 
Captain-Lieutenancy  and  embarked  with  the  fleet  forthePeuu- 


94  NOTES. 

sylvania  campaign.  He  was  in  the  battles  of  Brandywine 
and  Germantown,  and  in  January;  1778,  retired  with  the 
army  into  winter-quarters  in  Philadelphia.  In  May  he  suc- 
ceeded to  an  effective  company,  and  about  the  same  time  be- 
came Aid-de-Camp  to  Gen.  Knyphausen,  and  served  as  such 
at  the  battle  of  Monmouth.  In  1781  he  was  with  Arnold  at 
New  London.  In  November  following  he  became  brevet- 
Major,  and  in  June,  1782,  was  appointed  Aid-de-Camp  to  Sir 
Guy  Oarleton,  by  whom  he  was  employed  in  negotiating  the 
airangements  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  British  from  America 
in  1783.  In  August  25,  17U5,  he  received  the  brevet  rank  of 
Colonel,  and  in  April,  17U7,  was  nominated  Colonel  on  the 
staff  in  Bermuda,  and  succeeded  to  the  civil  government  in 
1798.  He  continued  there  till  1803,  when  he  returned  to  Eng- 
land, with  the  rank  of  Major-General.  In  1804  he  was  re 
moved  to  the  staff  in  the  Leeward  and  Windward  Islands,  and 
became  Governor  of  St.  Arincents.  On  the  death  of  Sir  A V i  1  - 
Ham  Thyers,  Commander-in-Chief  at  Barbadoes,  he  succeeded 
him,  remaining  there  till  1806,  when  he  was  raised  to  the 
local  rank  of  General.  In  March,  1806,  he  was  Lieut-General, 
in  April  following  he  repaired  to  his  former  station  at  St. 
Vincent,  and  in  June  obtained  chief  command  at  Barbadoes  a 
second  time.  In  1809,  at  the  head  of  10,000  men,  he  reduced 
Martinique,  for  which  he  was  knighted.  In  1810  he  took 
Guadeloupe,  St.  Martins  and  St.  Eustatius  ;  in  1814  became 
General,  and  in  1816  took  command  of  the  troops  in  Ireland. 
In  March,  1820,  he  returned  to  England,  when  the  baneful 
effects  of  his  long  residence  and  arduous  services  in  the  West 
Indies  became  visible  on  his  health,  and  at  length  deprived 
him  of  life  on  the  20th  of  March,  1823,  at  the  age  of  about 
76  years. 


NOTES.  95 

feA  Lebtjt.-Gbjj.  James  Robektson  was  educated  for  a  military 
life,  and  rose  by  successive  promotions  to  the  highest  honors. 
He  was  engaged  in  the  expedition  against  Lonisbourg  in  1758, 
and  in  1759  was  with  General  Amherst,  on  both  which  occa- 
sions he  was  connected  with  the  Quartermaster's  Department. 
In  the  year  1762  he  was  in  the  expedition  against  Martinico. 
and  in  1775  lie  was  stationed  in  Boston,  and  when  that  city 
was  evacuated  by  the  British,  he  accompanied  General  Howe 
to  New  York.  He  was  in  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  and 
other  engagements  in  that  vicinity.  He  was  made  Colonel  in 
1772.  Major-Genera]  in  1776.  and  attained  the  rank  of  Lieut. - 
General  in  1782.  He  was  commissioned  Governor  of  New 
York  May  4th,  177l>.  and  took  the  oath  of  office  on  the  23d  of 
March,  1780.  In  the  year  1783  he  returned  to  England,  and 
died  in  1788. 


(30).  The  following  proclamation  of  Governor  Livingston  for 
the  arrest  of  Moody,  with  Moody's  rejoinder  thereto,  appears 
in  Rivington's  Gazette,  Aug.  25.  1781.  They  are  too  good  to 
be  lost,  and  we  accordingly  give  them  a  place  here.  It  i-^  well 
to  >tate  that  the  Governor  was  po^se-sed  of  large  ears  and  a 
prominent  red  nor-e. 

"•  Whereas  it  has  been  represented  to  me  that  the  persons 
hereinafter  mentioned,  have  been  guilty  of  atrocious  offences, 
and  have  committed  divers  robberies,  thefts,  and  other  felonies 
in  this  State.  I  have  therefore  thought  fit,  by  and  with  the 
advice  of  the  Honourable  the  Privy  Council  of  this  State,  to 
i~>ue  this  proclamation,  hereby  promising  tbe  rewards  herein 
mentioned,  to  any  person  or  persons  who  shall  apprehend  and 
secure  in  any  gaol  of  this  State,  any  or  either  of  the  following 
persons  or  offenders,  to   wit:  Caleb  Sweeny.  James  O'Hara, 


9  ft  NOTES. 

John*  Moody,  and  Gysbert  Eyberlin,  the  sum  of  two  hundred 

dollars  of  the  bills  of  credit  issued  on  the  faith  of  this  State. 

"  Given  under  my  hand  and  seal  at  anus,  at  Trenton,  the 
Third  day  of  August,  1781,  and  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  America. 

VYIL.  LIVINGSTON." 


u  Hce  axi)  Cry:    Two  Hundred  Guineas  Reward. 

"  Whereas  a  certain  William  Livingston,  late  an  Attorney  at 
Law,  and  now  a  lawless  usurper  and  incorrigible  rebel,  stands 
convicted  in  the  minds  ">f  all  honest  men.  as  well  as  in  his  own 
conscience,  of  many  atrocious  crimes  and  offences  against  God 
and  the  King,  and  among  many  other  treasonable  practices,  has 
lately,  with  malicious  and  murderous  intention,  published  a 
seditious  advertisement  in  a  rebel  newspaper,  offering  a  reward 
of  what  he  calls  two  hundred  State  dollars,  to  an  assassin  who 
shall  take  and  deliver  me  anil  three  other  loyalists  into  the 
power  of  him,  the  said  William  Livingston. 

'•  I  do  therefore  hereby  promise  to  pay  the  sum  oft  ro  hun- 
dred guineas,  true  money,  to  the  person  or  persons  who  -hall 
bring  the  said  William  Livingston  alive  into  Xew  York,  and 
deliver  him  into  the  custody  of  Captain  Cunningham,  so  that 
lie  may  be  duly  lodged  in  the  provost,  till  the  approaching  ex- 
tinction of  the  rebellion,  then  to  be  brought  to  trial  for  his 
numerous  crimes  and  offences  aforesaid.  In  the  mean,  if  his 
whole  person  cannot  be  brought  in,  half  the  sum  above  speci- 
h'ed  will  lie  paid  for  his  Ears  and  NoSE,  which  are  too  wefl 
known,  and  too  remarkable  to  be  mistaken.  Observe,  how- 
ever, that  his  life  must  not  be  attempted,  because  that  would 
he  to  follow  hi-  example  ot  exciting  the  villainous  practice  of 

*  A  mistake  in  the  Dame  ;  should  be  James. 


'.17 


assassination,  and  because  his  death  at  present,  would  defraud 
dark  Ketch  of  a  future  perquisite. 

'•  (riven  under  my  hand  and  seal  at  arms,  in  New  York,  this 

twenty-third  day  of  August,  1781.  (a  style  which  I  have  surely 

as  much  right  to  assume  as  "William  Livingston,  or  any  other 

rebel  usurper). 

J.  MOODY. 

''The  several  printers  on  the  continent  are  requested  to  in- 
sert the  above  in  their  newspapers." 

(si).  Rev.  Chas.  Ixglis.  D.D..  became  Assistant  Rector  of 
Trinity  Church,  New  York,  in  17H4,  and  continued  to  officiate 
until  Washington  took  possession  of  that  city,  in  1776,  when 
he  went  up  the  Hudson  River.  On  the  death  of  Rev.  Dr. 
Auchmuty,  in  1777,  he  succeeded  as  pastor.  The  church 
having  been  burnt,  he  was  inducted  into  office  by  placing  his 
hands  on  the  ruins,  in  presence  of  the  wardens,  and  taking  the 
usual  obligations.  He  took  the  side  of  the  King  during  the 
Revolutionary  contest,  and  made  himself  obnoxious  by  the 
warmth  with  which  he  advocated  his  sentiments.  At  the 
restoration  of  peace  in  1783,  he  went  to  Nova  Scotia,  and  be- 
came Bishop  of  that  Colony  in  1787,  being  the  first  Colonial 
Bishop  of  any  British  dominions  in  any  part  of  the  world.  In 
1809  he  became  a  member  of  the  Council.  lie  died  in  the  spring 
of  the  year  1810,  at  the  age  of  82.  His  wife's  maiden  name 
was  Margaret  Crooke.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Johu  Crooke, 
of  Ulster  County,  X.  Y.,  and  was  a  lady  of  large  fortune.  She 
died  in  the  year  1783,  after  a  long  and  severe  illness,  in  the 
35th  year  of  her  age. 

(32).  Rev.  Thomas  B.  Chandler,  D.D..  was  born  in  Wood- 
stock, Conn.,  and  graduated  at  Yale  College  in  1745.     Though 


98  NOTES. 

bred  a  Congregationalist,  he  embraced  Episcopacy  in  1748, 
and  three  years  later  went  to  England  for  ordination.  On  his 
return  he  became  Rector  of  St.  John's  Church  at  Elizabeth- 
town,  N.  J.,  where  he  long  maintained  a  high  character  for 
erudition  and  talents.  lie  was  an  early  and  uncompromising 
loyalist,  and  expressed  himself  with  much  warmth,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  he  gave  offence  to  many  of  his  congregation, 

who  left  his  church.     He  afterwards   went   to   Nova   Scotia 

i 

and  was  elected  the  first  Bishop  of  the  Colony,  but  he  declined 
the  office  on  account  of  ill-health.  During  the  last  ten  years 
of  his  life  lie  was  afflicted  with  a  painful  disease,  but  he  bore 
Ins  sufferings  with  patience  and  even  with  cheerfulness.  lie 
wrote  several  works,  some  of  a  theological  character,  and 
others  upon  the  politics  of  the  day,  in  all  of  which  he  showed 
himself  to  be  a  writer  of  ability.  He  was  large  and  portly, 
and  of  fine  personal  appearance,  and  his  countenance  expres- 
sive of  high  intelligence.  He  had  a  strong  commanding 
voice,  and  was  a  great  lover  of  music.  He  died  on  the  17th 
day  of  June,  1790,  at  the  age  of  i>4.  His  widow  died  in  the 
year  1801,  at  the  age  of  68. 


"APR"' 

188- 


SIR    GEORGE    COLLIER, 
Captain  of  the  Rainbow 


THE 


NARRATIVE 


John    Blatchford, 


DETAILING 


His  Sufferings  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  while  a  Prisoner 
with  the  British. 

AS     RELATED     BY     HIMSELF. 


AN    INTRODUCTION    AND    NOTES, 


CHARLES  I.  BUSHNELL, 


NEW    YORK : 

PRIVATELY      PRINTED 

1865. 


Entered,   according  to  Act  of  Congress,   in   the  year  1865,  by 

CHARLES  I.   BUSHNELL, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the 
Southern  District  of  New  York. 


TO 


CAPT.  JOHN    BLATCHFORD, 


OF   ROCKPOKT,   MASS., 


ELDEST      SURVIVING      SON      OF      THE 


HERO  OF  THIS  NARRATIVE, 


THIS   TRACT 


IS     RESPECTFULLY 


DEDICATED. 


INTRODUCTION 


OHX    BLATCHFORD,   the    hero   of  this 
narrative,  was  the  son  of  John  Blatchford, 
of  Sandy  Bay,  now  Rockport,  on  Cape  Ann, 
in  the  commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  and 
was  born  about  the  year  IT 62. 

After  receiving  a  very  limited  education,  he  was  brought 
up  to  the  occupation  of  a  fisherman,  which  employment  he 
pursued  until  the  month  of  June,  1177,  when,  being  about 
fifteen  years  of  age,  he  enlisted  as  a  cabin-boy  on  board  the 
Hancock,  a  continental  ship,  commanded  by  Capt.  John 
Manly. 

On  the  8th  day  of  July  following,  the  Hancock  was  cap- 
tured by  the  British  ship  Rainbow,  Sir  George  Collier,  and 
her  crew  taken  to  Halifax  and  imprisoned.  After  being 
immured  there  awhile,  and  treated  with  great  severity,  our 


IV  INTRODUCTION. 

hero  was  sent  to  England,  and  soon  after  his  arrival  there 
was  put  on  board  an  Indiaman,  and  transported  with  eighty- 
two  other  Americans  to  the  East  Indies,  where  he  was 
compelled  first  to  do  duty  as  a  soldier,  and  then  to  work  in 
the  pepper  gardens  belonging  to  the  East  India  Company. 
He  eventually,  with  great  risk  and  after  great  suffering, 
effected  his   escape,   and  ultimately   reached  Guadaloupe, 
one  of  the  "West  India  Islands,  where   he  took   passage 
for  Philadelphia ;    but   misfortune   again    befell    him,    for 
while  on  his  way  thither,  he  was  captured  by  the  enemy, 
taken  to   Xew  York,  and   put  on  board  the  prison  ship 
"Jersey."     After  remaining  in  this  wretched   hulk  about 
a  week,  he  was  sent  in  a  cartel   to   France,  whence   in 
course   of  time   he    returned   home,   after   an   absence  of 
almost  six   years,  having,  during   his   long   imprisonment, 
endured    the    severest    hardships    and    privations,  experi- 
enced the  must  barbarous   treatment   from   the   hands  of 
the    British,    and    made    several    narrow    escapes    from 
death,    not    only    from    the    bayonet,    but    from    hunger 
and    disease,   and    likewise    from    the    attack    of    savage 
beasts  of  prey. 

Soon  after  his  return,  he  married  Anna,  the  daughter  of 
Xehemiah  Grover,  a  farmer  by  occupation,  and  a  respectable 
landholder.  Mr.  Blatchford  resumed  the  avocation  of  a 
fisherman,  which  he  followed  for  a  short  time,  and  then  took 


INTRODUCTION.  V 

to  the  seas  for  a  livelihood,  making  many  voyages  to  foreign 
countries.  He  died  at  Port  au  Prince,  in  the  West  Indies, 
about  the  year  1194,  and  was  buried  in  that  town.  He 
left  surviving  him  his  widow,  and  also  two  sons  and  one 
daughter,  to  mourn  their  untimely  loss. 

In  his  stature,  our  hero  was  about  medium  height. 
He  had  broad  shoulders,  full  chest,  and  well-proportioned 
limbs.  His  complexion  was  sallow,  his  eyes  dark,  and 
his  hair  black  and  curly.  He  was  temperate  in  his 
habits,  dignified  in  his  deportment,  and  though  possessed 
of  great  muscular  power  and  most  undaunted  courage, 
he  was,  nevertheless,  peaceful  in  his  disposition  and  slow 
to  anger. 

The  narrative  of  his  adventures  while  a  prisoner,  was 
undoubtedly  prepared  from  dictation.  It  is  an  interesting, 
romantic,  and  in  many  respects,  an  extraordinary  docu- 
ment. It  is  remarkable  for  the  series  of  misfortunes 
which  befell  its  hero,  and  as  a  record  of  malignant  spite 
and  savage  brutality  on  the  part  of  the  British,  is  almost 
unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  history. 

It  was  originally  published  in  New  London  in  1188,  and 
was  issued  in  pamphlet  form.  In  the  year  1797,  a  lengthy 
abstract  appeared  in  the  columns  of  Freneau's  "Time  Piece," 
a  paper  published  in  the  city  of  New  York.  In  July,  1860, 
the  entire  production   was    printed   in   the    "  Cape  Ann 


VI 


INTRODUCTION. 


Gazette,"  and  the  demand  for  copies  having  far  exceeded 
the  edition,  it  was  reproduced  in  the  same  paper  in  the 
month  of  October  following.  We  will  further  state  that 
the  present  edition  has  been  printed  from  a  certified  copy, 
which  through  the  courtesy  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  we  were  permitted  to  have  made  from  one  of  the 
original  tracts  now  in  its  possession. 


NARRATIVE 

OF 

Remarkable  Occurrences, 

Ik  the  Life  of 

John    Blatchford, 

Of  Cape-Ann,  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts, 

CONTAINING, 

His  treatment  in  Jfova- Scotia — the  West  Indies — Great- 
Eritoin — France,  and  the  East-Indies,  as  a  prisoner  in 
the    late    war. 

Taken  from   his  own  mouth. 


NEW  LONDON :     Printed    by  T.    Green. 

M,DCC,LXXX,VIII. 
[With  the  privilege  of  Copy-Right] 


NARRATIVE. 


IS"  June,  1777,  I  shipped  myself  as 
cabin-boy  on  board  the  Continental 
ship  Hancock,  (1)  John  Manly, 
Esq.  (=)  commander,  being  then  in 
the  15th  year  of  my  age,  and  a 
few  days  after  sailed  on  a  cruize. 
Being  out  some  days  we  fell  in  with 
and  took  the  Fox,  (3)  a  British  frigate 
of  28  guns,  after  an  engagement  of 
•  glasses.  Our  captain  sent  on  board 
the  prize  as  many  men  as  we  could  spare, 
and  both  ships  kept  company  several  days, 
till  on  the  8th  of  July  we  fell  in  with  the  British 
ships  Rainbow  (4)  of  40  guns,  and  Flora 0  of  32  guns 


10  NARRATIVE. 

(who  had  in  company  the  brig  Cabot  (e)  of  16  guns 
which  had  just  before  been  taken  by  the  Milford 
British  frigate)  {-)  by  whom  we  were  both  taken  (e) 
and  carried  into  Halifax. 

I  was  kept  prisoner  among  a  number  of  my 
countrymen,  on  board  the  Rainbow,  until  we  arrived 
at  Halifax,  (d)  On  our  arrival  there  Ave  were  taken 
on  shore  and  confined  in  a  prison  which  had  for- 
merly been  a  sugar  house.  (10) — The  large  number 
of  prisoners  confined  in  this  house  (near  300) 
together  with  a  scanty  allowance  of  provisions, 
occasioned  it  to  be  very  sickly.  So  irksome  a  situa- 
tion put  us  upon  meditating  an  escape — but  we 
could  form  no  plan  that  was  likely  to  be  attended 
with  success,  till  George  Barnard,  who  had  been  a 
midshipman  in  the  Hancock,  and  who  was  confined 
in  the  same  room  with  myself,  concerted  a  plan  to 
release  us,  which  was  to  be  effected  by  diging  a 
small  passage  under  ground,  to  extend  to  a  garden 
that  was  behind  the  prison  and  without  the  prison 
wall,  where  we  might  make  a  breach  in  the  night 
with  safety,  and  probably  all  obtain  our  liberty. — 
This  plan  greatly  elated  our  spirits,  and  we  were  all 
anxious  to  proceed  immediately  in  executing  of  it. 


NARRATIVE.  11 

Our  cabins  "were  built  one  above  another,  from 
the  floor  to  the  height  of  a  man's  head  ;  and  mine 
being  one  of  those  built  on  the  floor,  was  pitched 
upon  to  be  taken  up : — this  being  clone,  six  of  us 
agreed  to  do  the  work,  whose  names  were.  George 
Barnard  and  "William  Atkins  of  Boston,  (late  mid- 
shipmen in  the  Hancock),  Lemuel  Fowle  of  Cape- 
Ann,  Isaiah  Churchill  of  Plimouth,  Asa  Cole  of 
"Weathersfield,  and  myself.  TTe  took  up  the  cabin 
and  cut  a  hole  in  the  plank  underneath. 

The  sugar-house  stood  upon  a  foundation  of  stone 
which  raised  the  floor  four  feet  above  the  ground, 
and  gave  us  sufficient  room  to  work  and  to  convey 
away  the  dirt  that  we  dug  up. 

The  instruments  which  we  had  to  work  with  were 
one  scraper,  one  long  spike,  and  some  sharp  sticks  : 
with  these  we  proceeded  in  our  difficult  undertaking. 
As  the  hole  was  too  small  to  admit  of  more  than  one 
person  to  work  at  a  time,  we  dug  by  turns  ten  or 
twelve  days,  and  carried  the  dirt  in  our  bosoms  to 
another  end  of  the  cellar ;  by  this  time  we  supposed 
we  had  dug  far  enough,  and  word  was  given  out 
among  the  prisoners  to  prepare  themselves  for  flight. 
But  while  we  were  in  the  midst  of  gaiety,  congratu- 


12 


NARRATIVE. 


lating  each  other  upon  our  happy  prospects,  we 
were  basely  betrayed  by  one  of  our  own  country- 
men whose  name  was  Knowles :  he  had  been  a 
midshipman  on  board  the  Boston  frigate,  (n)  and 
was  put  on  board  the  Fox  when  she  was  taken  by 
the  Hancock  and  Boston. — What  could  have  induced 
him  to  commit  so  vile  an  action  cannot  be  con- 
ceived, as  no  advantage  could  accrue  to  him  from 
our  detection,  and  death  was  the  certain  conse- 
quence to  many  of  his  miserable  countrymen — that 
it  was  so,  is  all  I  can  say.  A  few  hours  before  we 
were  to  have  attempted  our  escape,  Knowles 
informed  the  sergeant  of  the  guard  (Mr.  Bible)  of 
our  design  ;  and  by  his  treachery  lost  his  country 
the  lives  of  more  than  a  hundred  valuable  citizens — 
fathers  and  husbands — whose  return  would  have 
rejoiced  the  hearts  of  now  weeping  fatherless  chil- 
dren, and  called  forth  tears  of  joy  from  wives,  now 
helpless  and  disconsolate  widows — When  we  were 
discovered,  the  whole  guard  was  ordered  into  the 
room  ;  and  being  informed  by  Knowles  who  it  was 
that  performed  the  work,  we  were  all  six  confined 
in  irons — the  hole  was  filled  up,  and  a  centinel  con- 
stantly placed  in  the  room,  to  prevent  any  further 


XARRATIVK.  13 

attempt. — We  were  all  kept  in  close  confinement 
till  two  of  my  fellow-sufferers  Barnard  and  Cole, 
died  ;  one  of  which  was  put  into  the  ground  with 
his  irons  on  his  hands,  (is)  I  was  afterwards  per- 
mitted to  walk  the  yard.  But  as  my  irons  were  too 
small  and  caused  my  hands  to  swell,  and  made 
them  very  sore,  I  asked  the  sergeant  to  take  them 
off  and  give  me  larger  ones, — he  being  a  person  of 
humanity,  and  compassionating  my  sufferings, 
changed  my  irons  for  others  that  were  larger,  and 
more  easy  to  my  hands. 

Knowles,  who  was  likewise  permitted  to  walk  the 
yard,  for  his  perfidy,  would  take  every  opportunity 
to  insult  and  mortify  me,  by  asking  me  whether  I 
wanted  to  run  away  again  ?  and  when  I  was  going 
home,  &c? — His  daily  affronts,  together  with  his 
conduct  in  betraying  of  his  countrymen,  so  exas- 
perated me,  that  I  wished  for  nothing  more  than  for 
an  opportunity  to  convince  him  that  I  did  not  love 
him. — One  day  as  he  was  tantalizing  over  me  as 
usual,  I  suddenly  drew  one  hand  out  of  my  irons, 
flew  at  him  and  struck  him  in  the  face,  knocked  out 
two  or  three  of  his  teeth,  and  bruised  his  mouth 
very  much.     He  cried  out,  that  the  prisoner  had 


14  NARRATIVE. 

got  loose, — but  before  any  assistance  came,  I  had 
put  my  hand  again  into  the  hand-cuff,  and  was 
walking  about  the  yard  as  usual.  "When  the  guard 
came,  they  demanded  of  me  in  what  manner  I 
struck  him  ?     I  told  them  with  both  my  hands. 

They  then  tried  to  pull  my  hands  out,  but  could 
not,'  and  concluded  it  must  be  as  I  had  said  ; — some 
laughed  and  some  were  angry — but  in  the  end  I 
was  ordered  again  into  prison.  The  next  day  I  was 
sent  on  board  the  Greyhound  frigate,  (13)  capt.  Dick- 
son, (14)  bound  on  a  cruize  in  Boston-bay.  After 
being  out  a  few  days,  we  met  with  a  severe  gale  of 
wind,  in  which  we  sprung  our  main-mast  and 
received  considerable  other  damage.  We  were 
then  obliged  to  bear  away  for  the  West-Indies,  and 
on  our  passage  fell  in  with  and  took  a  brig  from 
Norwich,  laden  with  stock,  &c.  The  captain  and 
hands  were  put  on  board  a  Danish  vessel  the  same 
day.  We  carried  the  brig  into  Antigua,*  where  we 
immediately  repaired,  and  were  ordered  in  Company 
with  the  Vulture  sloop  of  war  (ia)  to  convoy  a  fleet 
of  merchantmen  to  New-York.  We  left  the  fleet 
off  Sandy-Hook,  and  sailed  for  Philadelphia,  where 

*  One  of  the  "West  India  islands,  Leeward  Group. 


NARRATIVE.  15 

we  lay  till  we  were  made  a  packet  and  ordered  for 
Halifax  with  dispatches.  We  had  a  quick  passage, 
and  arrived  safe.  While  we  lay  in  the  road, 
admiral  Byron  (ie)  arrived*  in  the  Princess  Royal  (n) 
from  England,  who  being  short  of  men,  and  we  hav- 
ing a  surplusage  for  a  packet,  many  of  our  men 
were  ordered  on  hoard  the  Princess-Royal,  and 
among  them  most  of  our  boat's  crew. 

Soon  after,  some  of  the  officers  going  on  shore,  I 
was  ordered  into  the  boat. — We  landed  at  the 
Governor's-slip — it  being  then  near  night.  This 
was  the  first  time  since  I  had  been  on  board  the 
Greyhound  that  I  had  had  an  opportunity  to  escape 
from  her,  as  they  were  before  this  particularly  care- 
ful of  me ;  therefore  I  was  determined  to  get  away 
then  if  possible,  and  to  effect  it  I  waded  round  a 
wharf  and  went  up  a  by-way,  (fearing  I  should 
meet  the  officers) :  I  soon  got  into  the  street  and 
made  the  best  of  my  way  towards  Irishtown,f  where 
I  expected  to  be  safe; — but  unfortunately  while 
running,  I  was  met  and  stopped  by  an  emissary, 

*  Admiral  Byron  arrived  at  Halifax,  August  26,  ]  778. 
t  The  southern  suburbs  of  Halifax,  chiefly  inhabited  by  the 
Irish  population. 


16  NARRATIVE. 

who  demanded  of  me  my  business,  and  where  I  was 
going  ?  I  endeavoured  to  deceiye  him,  that  he 
might  let  me  pass  ;  but  it  was  in  vain — he  ordered 
me  to  follow  him  : — 

I  offered  him  what  money  I  had  (about  £  sterl.) 
to  let  me  go — this  too  was  ineffectual.  I  then  told 
him  I  was  an  American  and  making  my  escape 
from  a  long  confinement,  and  was  determin'd  to 
pass,  and  took  up  a  stone.  He  immediately  drew 
his  bayonet*  and  ordered  me  to  go  back  with 
him. — 1  refused,  and  told  him  to  keep  his  distance. — 
He  then  run  upon  me,  and  pushing  his  bayonet  into 
my  side,  it  came  out  near  my  navel ;  but  the  wound 
was  not  very  deep  ; — he  then  made  a  second  pass, 
and  stabbed  me  through  my  arm  :  he  was  about  to 
stab  me  a  third  time,  when  I  struck  him  with  the 
stone  and  knocked  him  down.  I  then  run,  but  the 
guard  which  had  been  alarmed,  immediately  took 
me,  and  carried  me  before  the  governor  (Hughes)  (i*) 
where   I   understood    the   man   was   dead.     I  was 


*  Bayonets  were  invented  at  Bayonne,  in  France,  1670,  and 
received  their  name  from  the  town  where  they  were  invented. 
They  were  first  used  by  the  English,  Sept.  24,  1693,  and  super- 
seded the  pike  completely  under  William  III. 


NARRATIVE.  17 

threatened  with  every  kind  of  death,  and  ordered 
out  of  the  governor's  presence. 

Whilst  in  confinement  I  was  informed  by  a  young 
gentleman  (who  was  to  be  sent  to  England  and 
tried  for  killing  a  man  in  a  duel)  that  it  was  not  in 
the  power  of  the  Governor  to  try  me ;  but  that  I 
should  be  sent  to  England ;  which  I  found  to  be 
true.  The  next  day  I  was  sent  on  board  the  Grey- 
hound, the  ship  I  had  run  from,  and  we  sailed  for 
England.  Our  captain  being  a  humane  man, 
ordered  my  irons  off,  a  few  days  after  we  sailed,  and 
permitted  me  to  do  duty  as  formerly.  Being  out 
thirteen  days  we  spoke  the  Hazard  (19)  sloop  of  war, 
who  informed  that  the  French  fleet  was  then  cruising 
in  the  English  channel :  ("-») — for  this  reason  we  put 
into  Cork,  and  the  dispatches  were  forwarded  to 
England. — While  we  lay  in  the  Cove  of  Cork,*  I 
jumped  overboard,  with  intention  of  getting  away  ; 
but  unfortunately  I  was  discovered  and  fired  at  by 
the  marines  :  the  boat  was  immediately  sent  after 

*  A  seaport  town  in  Ireland,  now  called  Queenstown — so 
named  by  the  sycophantic  inhabitants  of  the  place,  in  honor  of 
the  Queen's  visit  there  in  1849.  The  old  classic  name  was 
infinitely  preferable. 


18  NARRATIVE. 

me,  took  me  up  and  carried  me  on  board  again. 
At  this  time  almost  all  the  officers  were  on  shore, 
and  the  ship  was  left  in  charge  of  the  sailing-master, 
one  Drummond,  who  beat  me  most  cruelly ; — to  get 
out  of  his  way  I  run  forward — he  followed  me,  and 
as  I  was  running  back  he  came  up  with  me  and 
threw  me  down  the  mainhold.*  The  fall,  together 
with  the  beating,  was  so  severe  that  I  was  deprived 
of  my  senses  for  a  considerable  time ;  when  I 
recovered  them  I  found  myself  in  the  carpenter's 
birth,  placed  upon  some  old  canvass,  between  two 
chests,  having  my  right  thigh,  leg  and  arm  broken, 
and  several  parts  of  my  body  severely  bruised. 
In  this  situation  I  lay  eighteen  days,  till  our 
officers,  (who  had  been  on  business  to  Dublin) 
came  on  board.  The  captain  enquired  for  the 
prisoner,  and  being  informed  of  my  situation,  came 
down  with  the  doctor  to  set  my  bones,  but  find- 
ing them  callussed  they  concluded  not  to  meddle 
with  me. 

The  ship  lay  at  Cork  till  the  French  fleet  left  the 

*  That  part  of  a  ship  just  before  the  main  mast,  and  which 
generally  contained  the  fresh  water  and  beer  for  the  use  of  the 
ship's  company. 


NARRATIVE.  19 

channel,  and  then  sailed  for  Spithead.* — On  our 
arrival  there  I  was  sent  in  irons  on  board  the  Prin- 
cess-Amelia, (21)  and  the  next  clay  was  carried  on 
board  the  Britannia  (^)  in  Portsmouth  f  harbour,  to 
be  tried  before  Sir  Thomas  Pye,  (23)  lord  high 
admiral  of  England,  and  president  of  the  court- 
martial. 

Before  the  officers  had  collected,  I  was  put  under 
the  care  of  a  centinel;  and  the  seamen  and  women 
who  came  on  board  compassionated  my  sufferings, 
which  rather  heightened  than  diminished  my  dis- 
tress. I  was  sitting  under  the  awning,  almost  over- 
powered by  the  reflection  of  my  unhappy  situation, 
every  moment  expecting  to  be  summoned  for  my 
trial,  when  I  heard  somebody  enquiring  for  the 
prisoner — supposing  it  to  be  an  officer,  I  rose  up 
and  answered,  that  I  was  there.  The  gentleman 
came  to  me,  told  me  to  be  of  good  chear,  and  taking 
out  a  bottle  of  cordial  bid  me  drink,  which  I  did  : — 

*  A  celebrated  roadstead  off  the  southern  coast  of  England, 
one  of  the  principal  rendezvous  of  the  British  navy,  so  secure 
from  all  winds  except  the  S.  E.,  as  to  have  been  termed  by 
sailors  "  the  king's  bed-chamber." 

t  A  fortified  seaport  town,  and  the  principal  naval  station 
of  England. 


20  NAKKATIVE. 

he  then  enquired  where  I  belonged — 1  informed 
him — he  asked  me  if  I  had  parents  living,  and  if  I 
had  any  friends  in  England  ? — I  answered  I  had 
neither :  he  then  assured  me  he  was  my  friend,  and 
would  render  me  all  the  assistance  in  his  power. — 
He  then  enquired  of  me  every  circumstance  relative 
to  my  fray  with  the  man  at  Halifax,  for  whose 
death  I  was  now  to  be  tried  ; — and  instructed  me 
what  to  say  on  my  trial, — told  me  if  it  was  asked  in 
court  "  if  I  had  any  friend  or  attorney  to  speak  for 
me,"  to  look  at  such  a  corner  of  the  state-room, 
where  I  should  see  him,  and  to  answer  the  court 
"  Yes,  Mr.  Thomas,"  for  that  was  the  gentleman's 
name.  All  this  was  spoken  in  so  friendly  a  manner, 
that  I  could  not  distrust  him,  although  what  he  had 
instructed  me  to  say,  appeared  to  me,  would  be 
against  myself. 

The  court  having  assembled,  I  was  called  in  and 
examined  partly,  and  on  being  asked  "  If  I  had  any 
friend  to  speak  in  my  behalf,"  I  looked  round,  and 
saw  Mr.  Thomas,  and  answered,  "Yes,  Mr.  Thomas," 
who  then  came  forward. — The  court  asked  him  what 
he  had  to  say  in  behalf  of  the  prisoner  ? — On  which 
he  desired  them  to  question  the  prisoner,  and  if  he 


NARRATIVE.  21 

could  not  answer  sufficiently,  he  would  speak  for 
him.  I  was  then  asked  if  I  meant  to  kill  the  man. 
I  answered  as  instructed  (tlio'  loth)  that  I  did. 
The  court  seemed  surpriz'd  and  asked  me  the 
question  again,  and  I  again  answered,  Yes.  I  was 
.then  asked  if  I  should  have  hurt  the  man  had  he 
not  molested  me  ?  I  replied,  ]STo. — I  was  then 
asked  many  other  questions,  and  if  I  was  not  sorry 
I  had  undertaken  in  the  rebellion  against  my 
king? — Mr.  Thomas  then  spoke,  and  said  it  was 
hardly  fair  to  ask  me  such  a  question  upon  this 
occasion ;  and  that  considering  my  youth,  I  had 
given  as  fair  an  account  of  myself  as  could  be 
expected. — He  spoke  a  considerable  time'  on  the 
subject,  and  concluded  with  comparing  our  combat 
to  a  field  battle  between  two  armies — expatiated 
largely  and  explained  the  subject  so  clearly  that 
no  answer  was  made  to  his  arguments. — I  was 
ordered  to  withdraw,  and  waited  with  painful 
impatience  to  know  my  destiny. — This  was  re- 
peated two  or  three  times,  till  at  last  I  was  called 
in  and  acquitted  of  the  murder,  and  was  informed 
that  I  was  to  be  sent  back  to  Halifax,  to  be 
exchanged  as  a  prisoner  of  war.     I  cannot  express 


22  NARRATIVE. 

my  feelings  on  this  occasion,  and  no  one  can 
know  them,  but  by  experiencing  the  same  reverse 
of  fortune. 

I  immediately  found  my  benefactor  and  returned 
him  thanks,  with  gratitude  for  his  friendly  and 
benevolent  assistance.  Mr.  Thomas  then  asked  the 
liberty  of  taking  me  on  shore  with  him,  engaging 
to  return  me  the  next  day — and  liberty  was  granted 
him. — He  told  a  young  lad,  his  son,  to  walk  with 
me  about  Portsmouth,  and  shew  me  the  town,  and 
then  to  carry  me  home  to  his  house ;  which  he  did. 
In  the  evening  Mr.  Thomas  came  into  the  kitchin 
and  asked  me  to  walk  into  the  parlour,  to  satisfy 
the  curiosity  of  some  ladies,  who  had  never  seen  a 
Yankee,  as  they  called  me :  I  went  in,  and  they 
seemed  greatly  surprized  to  see  me  look  like  an 
Englishman  ;  they  said  they  were  sure  I  was  no 
Yankee,  but  like  themselves.  The  idea  they  had 
formed  of  the  Americans  was  nearly  the  same  as  we 
have  of  the  natives  of  this  country.  When  the 
ladies  had  satisfied  their  curiosity,  Mr.  Thomas  put 
a  guinea  into  his  hat,  and  carrying  it  round  asked 
the  ladies  to  contribute  for  the  poor  Yankee  :  he 
then  gave  me  the  money,  (about  four  guineas.) 


NARRATIVE.  23 

The  next  morning  I  was  sent  on  board  the 
Princess- Amelia,  where  I  spent  a  joyful  day ; 
expecting  soon  to  be  sent  on  board  the  Greyhound, 
which  was  bound  to  Halifax. 

In  the  evening  I  heard  a  boat  coming  along-side, 
and  supposing  it  to  belong  to  the  Greyhound,  (as 
the  people  in  the  boat  enquired  for  me) — I  made 
haste  and  jumped  into  the  boat ;  but  to  my  extreme 
disappointment  and  grief,  I  was  carried  on  board 
an  Indiaman,  and  immediately  put  down  into  the 
run,*  where  I  was  confined  seven  days.  I  begged 
that  I  might  send  word  on  shore  to  my  former 
benefactor,  and  inform  him  of  my  situation,  but 
they  would  not  grant  it.  On  the  seventh  day, 
I  heard  the  boatswain  pipe  all  hands,  and  about 
noon  I  was  called  up  on  deck,  when  I  found 
myself  on  board  the  Princess-Royal  (24)  indiaman, 
captain  Robert  Kerr ; — we  were  then  off  the 
Isle  of  "Wight,  bound  to  the  East-Indies,  in  com- 
pany with,  six  others,  viz.  the  Ceres,  Hawke, 
Prince,   Sandwich,  "Walpole    and   True-Briton,  all 

*  The  run  of  a  ship  is  that  part  of  her  hull  under  water 
which  comes  narrower  by  degrees  from  the  floor  timbers 
to  the  sternposts. 


24  NARRATIVE. 

large  ships,  (25)  belonging  to  tlie  East-India  com- 
pany. (*.) 

Our  captain  told  me,  if  I  behaved  well  and  did 
my  duty,  I  should  receive  as  good  usage  as  any  man 
on  board  : — this  gave  me  great  encouragement.  I 
now  found  my  destiny  was  fixed — that  whatever  I 
could  do,  would  not  in  the  least  alter  my  situation, 
and  therefore  was  determined  to  do  the  best  I  could, 
and  make  myself  as  contented  as  my  unfortunate 
situation  would  admit. 

After  being  on  board  several  davs,  I  found  there 
were  in  the  Princess-Royal,  eighty-two  Americans, 
all  destined  to  the  East-Indies,  for  being  what  they 
called  Rebels.  (27) 

We  had  a  passage  of  seventeen  weeks  to  St. 
Helena,  where  we  put  in  and  landed  part  of  our 
cargo,  (which  consisted  wholly  of  provisions),  and 
some  of  the  soldiers  who  were  brought  out  for  that 
island.  The  ship  lay  here  about  three  wreeks  ;  we 
then  sailed  for  Batavia* — and  on  the  passage 
touched   at   the   Cape   of  Good-IIope,f  where  we 

*  Capital  and  seaport  town  of  the  island  of  Java. 
t  The  Cape  of  Good  Hope  was  first  discovered  by  Bartholo- 
mew Diaz,   1486 — first  doubled  by  Vasco  de  Gama,  1497 — 


NARRATIVE.  25 

found  the  whole  of  the  fleet  that  sailed  with  us  from 
England — we  took  in  some  provisions  and  neces- 
saries and  set  sail  for  Batavia,  where  we  arrived  in 
ten  weeks.  Here  we  purchased  a  large  quantity  of 
arrack  and  remained  a  considerable  time. 

"We  then  sailed  for  Bencoolen,*  in  the  island  of 
Sumatria,  and  after  a  passage  of  about  six  weeks 
arrived  there,  (this  was  in  June  1780).  At  this 
place  the  Americans  were  all  carried  on  shore  ;  and 
I  found  that  I  was  no  longer  to  remain  on  board  the 
ship,  but  condemned  to  serve  as  a  soldier  for  five 
years. — 1  offered  to  bind  myself  to  the  captain  for 
five  years,  or  any  longer  term,  if  I  might  serve  on 
board  the  ship : — he  told  me  it  was  impossible  for 
me  to  be  released  from  acting  as  a  soldier,  unless  I 
conld  pay  fifty  pounds  sterling.  As  I  was  unable 
to  do  this,  I  was  obliged  to  go  through  the  manual 
exercise  with  the  other  prisoners ;  among  whom 
was  William  Randall  of  Boston,  and  Josiah  Folgier 
of  Nantucket,  both  young  men,  and  one  of  them  an 

planted  by  Holland,  1651 — taken  by  the  British,  1795 — again 
in  1806,  and  definitely  ceded  to  Great  Britain,  1814. 

I  Benconloo,  corruptly  called  Bencoolen,  is  on  the  S.  "W. 
coast  of  the  island  of  Sumatra.    The  chief  trade  is  pepper. 


26  NARRATIVE. 

old  ship-mate  of  mine ; — these  two  and  myself 
agreed  to  behave  as  ignorant  and  aukward  as  pos- 
sible ;  and  what  motions  we  learned  one  day  we 
were  to  forget  the  next. — We  pursued  this  conduct 
near  a  fortnight,  and  were  beaten  every  day  by  the 
drill-sergeant,  who  exercised  us;  and  when  he  found 
we  were  determined  in  our  obstinacy,  and  that  it 
was  not  possible  for  him  to  learn  us  anything,  we 
were  all  three  sent  into  the  pepper  gardens  belong- 
ing to  the  East-India  company,  and  continued 
picking  peppers  from  morning  till  night,  and 
allowed  but  two  scanty  meals  a  day ; — this,  together 
with  the  amazing  heat  of  the  sun,  (the  island  lying 
under  the  equator)  was  too  much  for  an  American 
constitution,  unused  to  a  hot  climate,  and  we 
expected  that  we  should  soon  end  our  misery  and 
our  lives  ; — but  Providence  still  preserved  us  for 
greater  hardships.* 

*  Sumatria  is  an  island  of  the  Indian  ocean,  situated  between 
93  and  10i  degrees  of  East  longitude,  and  between  5  degrees 
and  30  minutes  North  and  5  degrees  and  30  minutes  South 
latitude ;  extending  from  N.  W.  to  S.  E.  900  miles  long,  and 
from  100  to  150  broad,  separated  from  the  continent  of  the 
Further  India  by  the  straits  of  Malacca  on  the  N".  E.  and  from 
the  island  of  Java  by  the  straits  of  Sunda  on  the  S.  E.     This 


NARRATIVE.  27 

The  Americans  died  daily  with  heat  and  hard  fare, 
which  determined  my  two  companions  and  myself 
in  an  endeavour  to  make  our  escape. — We  had  been 
in  the  pepper  gardens  fojir  months  when  an  oppor- 
tunity offered,  and  we  resolved  upon  trying  our 
fortune ; — Folgier,  Randall  and  myself  sat  out  with 
an  intention  of  reaching  Croy,  (a  small  harbour 
where  the  Dutch  often  touch  at  to  water)  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  island. — Folgier  had  by  some 
means  got  a  bayonet,  which  lie  fixed  on  the  end  of 
a  stick — Randall  and  myself  had  nothing  but  staves, 
which  were  all  the  weapons  we  carried  with  us. 
We  provided  ourselves  with  fire-works  -  for  our 
journey,  which  we  pursued  unmolested  till  the 
fourth  day  just  at  night,  when  we  heard  a  rustling 
in  the  bushes  and  discovered  nine  seapoys,  (country- 
born  soldiers  in  the  British  service)  who  suddenly 
rushed  out  upon  us. 

Folgier  being  the  most  resolute  of  us,  run  at  one 

island  lying  under  the  equator,  and  the  low  grounds  near  the 
sea-coast  being  flooded  one-half  of  the  year,  is  very  unhealth- 
ful.  The  natives  build  most  of  their  houses  upon  pillars,  to 
secure  them  against  the  annual  inundations. 

(This  note  was  in  the  original  edition. — Ed.) 

*  Tinder  box  and  accompaniments  for  striking  fire. 


28  NARRATIVE. 

of  them  and  pushed  his  bayonet  through  his  body 
into  a  tree  ;  Randall  knocked  down  another  ; — but 
they  overpowered  us,  bound  us,  and  carried  us  back 
to  the  fort,  which  we  reached  in  one  clay  and  half, 
though  we  had  been  four  days  travelling  from  it, 
owing  to  the  circle  we  made  by  going  round  the 
shore ;  and  they  came  across  the  woods,  being 
acquainted  with  the  way.  Immediately  on  our 
arrival  at  the  fort  the  governor*  called  a  court- 
martial,  to  have  us  tried. — We  were  soon  all  con- 
demned to  be  shot  the  next  morning  at  seven 
o'clock,  and  ordered  to  be  sent  into  the  dungeon 
and  confined  in  irons,  where  Ave  were  attended  by 
an  adjutant  who  brought  a  priest  with  him  to  pray 
and  converse  with  us  ; — but  Folgier,  who  hated  the 
name  and  sight  of  an  Englishman,  desired  that  we 
might  be  left  alone,  and  not  be  troubled  with  any 
company : — the  clergyman  reprimanded  him,  and 
told  him  he  made  very  light  of  his  situation,  on 
supposition  that  he  would  be  reprieved ;  but  if  he 
expected  it  he  deceived  himself: — Folgier  still  per- 
sisted in  the  clergyman's  leaving  of  us,  if  he  would 

*  The   governor   of  Fort   Marlborough   at   this    time   was 
William  Broff,  Esq.     He  held  the  position  from  1772  to  1783. 


NARRATIVE.  29 

have  ns  make  our  peace  with  God  ;  for,  said  he,  the 
sight  of  Englishmen,  from  whom  we  have  received 
such  treatment,  is  more  disagreeable  than  the  evil 
spirits  of  whom  you  have  spoken  : — that  if  he  could 
have  his  choice,  he  would  choose  death  in  preference 
to  life,  if  he  must  have  it  on  conditions  of  such  bar- 
barous usage  as  he  had  received  from  their  hands  ; 
and  that  the  thoughts  of  death  did  not  seem  so 
hideous  to  him  as  his  past  sufferings.  He  visited 
us  again  about  midnight,  but  finding  his  company 
was  not  acceptable,  he  soon  left  us  to  our  own 
melancholy  reflections. 

Before  sun-rise  we  heard  the  drums  beat,  and 
soon  after  heard  the  direful  noise  of  the  door  grating 
on  its  iron  hinges — we  were  all  taken  out,  our  irons 
taken  off,  and  we  conducted  by  a  strong  guard  of 
soldiers  to  the  parade,  surrounded  by  a  circle  of 
armed  men,  and  led  into  the  midst  of  them,  where 
three  white  coiflns  were  placed  by  our  side : — silence 
was  then  commanded,  and  the  adjutant  taking  a 
paper  out  of  his  pocket  read  our  sentence : — and 
now  I  cannot  describe  my  feelings  upon  this  occa- 
sion, nor  can  it  be  felt  by  any  one  but  those  who 
have  experienced  some  remarkable  deliverance  from 


30  NARRATIVE. 

the  grim  hand  of  death,  when  surrounded  on  all 
sides,  and  nothing  but  death  expected  from  every 
quarter,  and  by  Divine  Providence  there  is  some 
way  found  out  for  escape — so  it  seemed  to  me  when 
the  adjutant  pulled  out  another  paper  from  his 
pocket  and  read,  "  that  the  governor  and  council, 
in  consideration  of  the  youth  of  Randall  and  myself, 
(supposing  us  to  be  led  on  by  Folgier,  who  was  the 
eldest)  thought  fit  to  pardon  us  from  death,  and 
that  instead  we  were  to  receive  eight  hundred  lashes 
each ;" — although  this  last  sentence  appeared  terrible 
to  me,  yet  in  comparison  with  death,  it  seemed  to 
be  light. — Poor  Folgier  was  shot  in  our  presence — 
previous  to  which  we  were  told  we  might  go  and 
converse  with  him — Randall  went  and  talked  with 
him  first,  and  after  him  I  went  up  to  take  my  leave, 
but  my  feelings  were  such  at  the  time  that  I  had 
not  power  to  utter  a  single  word  to  my  departing 
friend,  who  seemed  as  undaunted  and  seemingly  as 
willing  to  die  as  I  was  willing  to  be  released — and 
told  me  not  to  forget  the  promises  we  had  formerly 
made  each  other,  which  was,  to  embrace  the  first 
opportunity  to  escape : — we  parted,  and  he  was 
immediately  after  shot  dead.     We  were  next  taken 


NARRATIVE.  31 

and  tied  ;  and  the  adjutant  brought  a  small  whip 
made  of  cotton,  which  consisted  of  a  number  of 
strands  and  knotted  at  the  ends ;  but  these  knots 
were  all  cut  off  by  the  adjutant  before  the  drummer 
took  it,  which  made  it  not  worse  than  to  have  been 
whipt  with  cotton  yarn.  After  being  whipped  800 
lashes  we  were  sent  to  the  company  hospital,  where 
we  had  been  about  three  weeks,  when  Randall  told 
me  he  intended  very  soon  to  make  his  escape: — 
this  somewhat  surprized  me,  as  I  had  lost  all  hopes  of 
regaining  my  liberty,  and  supposed  he  had  : — I  told 
him  I  had  hoped  he  would  never  mention  it  again  ; 
but  however,  if  that  was  his  design  I  would  accom- 
pany him.  He  advised  me,  (if  I  was  fearful)  to 
tarry  behind  ; — but  finding  he  was  determined  on 
going,  I  resolved  to  run  the  risque  once  more  ;  and 
as  we  were  then  in  the  hospital  we  were  not 
suspected  of  such  a  design. 

Having  provided  ourselves  with  fire-works  and 
knives,  about  the  first  of  December  1780,  we  sat 
out,  with  intention  of  reaching  the  Dutch  settlement 
of  Croy,  which  is  but  about  two  or  three  hundred 
miles  distance  upon  a  direct  line,  but  as  we  were 
obliged  to  travel  along  the  sea  coast,  (fearing  to 


32  NAKRATIVE. 

risque  the  nearest  way)  it  was  a  journey  of  eight 
hundred  miles.  We  took  each  a  stick  and  hung 
round  our  neck,  and  every  day  cut  a  notch,  which 
was  the  method  we  took  to  keep  time. — In  this 
manner  we  travelled,  living  on  fruit,  turtle-eggs 
and  some  turtle,  which  we  cooked  every  night  with 
the  fire  we  built  to  sleep  by  to  secure  us  from  wild 
beasts — they  being  here  in  great  plenty,  such  as 
buffaloes,  tigers,  jackanapes,  leopards,  lions,  baboons 
and  monkies.  On  the  30th  day  of  our  travelling 
we  met  with  nothing  we  could  eat,  and  found  no 
water — at  night  we  found  some  fruit  which  appeared 
to  the  eye  to  be  very  delicious,  (different  from  any 
we  had  seen  in  our  travel)  it  resembled  a  fruit 
which  grows  in  the  West-Indies,  called  a  Jack,  (*-*) 
about  the  size  of  an  orange : — we  being  very  dry 
and  hungry  immediately  gathered  some  of  this 
fruit— but  finding  it  of  a  sweet  sickish  taste  I  eat 
but  two- -Randall  eat  freely  : — in  the  evening  we 
found  we  were  poisoned :  I  was  sick  and  puked 
considerably: — Randall  was  sick  and  began  to  swell 
all  round  his  body  ;  he  grew  worse  all  night,  but 
continued  to  have  his  senses  till  the  next  day,  when 
he  died,  and  left  me  to  mourn  my  greater  wretched- 


NARRATIVE.  33 

ness, — more  than  400  miles  from  any  settlement — 
no  companion — the  wide  ocean  on  one  side  and  a 
prowling  wilderness  on  the  other — liable  to  many 
hinds  of  deaths,  more  terrible  than  being  shot.  I 
laid  down  by  Randall's  body,  wishing  if  possible 
that  he  might  return  and  tell  me  what  course  to 
take. — My  thoughts  almost  distracted  me,  so  that  I 
was  unable  to  do  anything  till  the  next  day;  during 
all  which  time  I  continued  by  the  side  of  Randall — 
I  then  got  up  and  made  a  hole  in  the  sand  and 
buried  him. 

I  now  continued  my  journey  as  well  as  my  weak 
state  of  body  would  permit ; — the  weather  being  at 
this  time  extreme  hot  and  rainy. — I  frequently  lay 
down  and  would  wish  that  I  might  never  rise 
again : — despair  had  almost  wholly  possessed  me  ; 
and  sometimes  in  a  kind  of  delirium  would  fancy  I 
heard  my  mother's  voice,  and  my  friends  calling 
me,  and  I  would  answer  them  : — at  other  times  my 
wild  imagination  would  paint  to  my  view  scenes 
which  I  was  well  acquainted  with,  then  supposing 
myself  near  home  I  would  run  as  fast  as  my 
feeble  legs  could  carry  me  : — frequently  I  fancied 
that  I  heard  dogs  bark,  men  cutting  wood,   and 


34  NARRATIVE. 

every  noise  which  I  have  heard  in  my  native 
country. 

One  day  as  I  was  travelling,  a  small  dog,  as  I 
thought  it  to  be,  came  fawning  round  me  and 
followed  me,  but  I  soon  discovered  it  to  be  a  young 
lion ; — I  supposed  that  its  dam  must  be  nigh,  and 
therefore  run ;  it  followed  me  sometime  and  then 
left  me  ;  I  proceeded  on,  but  had  not  got  far  from 
it  before  it  began  to  cry  ;  I  looked  round  and  saw  a 
lioness  making  towards  it — she  yelled  most  fright- 
fully, which  greatly  terrified  me ;  but  she  laid  down 
something  from  her  mouth  for  her  young  one,  and 
then  with  another  yell  turned  and  went  off  from  me. 

Some  days  after,  I  was  travelling  by  the  edge  of  a 
woods,  (which  from  its  appearance  had  felt  severely 
the  effects  of  a  tornado  or  hurricane,  the  trees  being 
all  torn  up  by  the  roots)  and  I  heard  a  cracking 
noise  in  the  bushes — looking  about  I  saw  a  mon- 
strous large  tiger  making  slowly  towards  me,  which 
frightened  me  exceedingl}T ;  when  he  had  approached 
within  a  few  rods  of  me,  in  my  surprize  I  suddenly 
lifted  up  my  hands  and  hollowed  very  loud  :  this 
sudden  noise  frightened  him,  seemingly  as  much  as 
I  had  been,  and  he  immediately  turned  and  run 


NARRATIVE.  35 

into  the  woods,  and  I  saw  him  no  more.  After  this 
I  continued  travelling  on  without  molestation,  only 
from  the  monkies,  who  were  here  so  plenty  that 
oftentimes  I  saw  them  in  large  droves :  sometimes  I 
run  from  them  as  if  afraid  of  them ;  they  would  then 
follow,  grin  and  chatter  at  me,  and  when  they  got 
near  I  would  turn,  and  they  would  run  back  into  the 
woods,  and  climb  the  trees  to  get  out  of  my  way. 

It  was  now  fifteen  weeks  since  I  had  left  the  hos- 
pital— I  had  travelled  most  all  the  day  without  any 
water,  and  began  to  be  very  thirsty,  when  I  heard 
the  sound  of  running  water,  as  it  were  down  a  fall 
of  rocks — I  had  heard  it  a  considerable  time,  and  at 
last  began  to  suspect  it  was  nothing  but  imaginary. 
as  many  other  noises  I  had  before  thought  to  have 
heard.  I  however  went  on  as  fast  as  I  could,  and 
at  length  discovered  a  brook — on  approaching  of  it 
I  was  not  a  little  surprized  and  rejoiced  at  the 
sight  of  a  Female  Indian,  who  was  fishing  at  the 
brook  : — she  had  no  other  dress  on  than  that  which 
mother  nature  affords  impartially  to  all  her  children, 
except  a  small  cloth  which  she  wore  round  her 
waist, — I  knew  not  how  to  address  myself  to  her : — 
I  was  afraid  if  I  spoke  she  would  run—  and  there- 


36  NARRATIVE. 

fore  I  made  a  small  noise ;  upon  which  she  looked 
round  and,  seeing  me,  run  across  the  brook,  seem- 
ingly much  frightened,  leaving  her  fishing-line.  I 
went  up  to  her  basket  which  contained  five  or  six 
fish  that  looked  much  like  our  trout.  I  took  up  the 
basket  and  attempted  to  wade  across  where  she  had 
passed,  but  was  too  weak  to  wade  across  in  that 
place,  and  went  further  up  the  stream,  where  I 
passed  over — and  then  looking  for  the  indian  woman 
I  saw  her  at  some  distance  behind  a  large  cocoa-nut 
tree  : — I  walked  towards  her,  but  dare  not  keep  my 
eyes  steadily  upon  her  lest  she  should  run  from  me 
as  she  did  before. — I  called  to  her  in  English  ;  and 
she  answered  in  her  own  tongue,  which  I  could  not 
understand.  I  then  called  to  her  in  the  Malays, 
which  I  understood  a  little  of : — she  answTered  me 
in  a  kind  of  surprize,  and  asked  me  in  the  name  of 
Ocrum  Footee  (the  name  of  their  god)  from  whence 
I  came,  and  where  I  was  going  ? — I  answered  her 
as  well  as  I  could  in  the  Melais,  that  I  wras  from 
Fort  Marlborough,*  and  going  to  Croy — that  I  was 

*  A  Factory  which  belonged  to  the  British  East  India  Co.  on 
the  western  coast  of  the  Island  of  Sumatra,  3  miles  east  of 
Bencoolen. 


NARRATIVE.  37 

making  my  escape  from  the  English,  by  whom  I 
had  been  taken  in  war. — She  told  me  that  she  had 
been  taken  by  the  Malays  some  years  before — for 
that  the  two  nations  were  always  at  war ;  and  that 
she  had  been  kept  as  a  slave  among  them  three 
years,  and  was  then  retaken  by  her  countrymen. 
Whilst  we  were  talking  together  she  appeared  to  be 
very  shy,  and  I  durst  not  go  nearer  than  a  rod 
to  her,  lest  she  should  run  from  me.  She  said  that 
Croy,  the  place  I  was  bound  to,  was  about  three 
miles  distance — that  if  I  would  follow  her  she 
would  conduct  me  to  her  countrymen  who  were  but 
a  small  distance  off. — I  begged  her  to  plead  with  her 
countrymen  to  spare  my  life, — she  said  she  would, 
and  assured  me  that  if  I  behaved  well  I  should  not 
be  hurt.  She  then  conducted  me  to  a  small  village, 
consisting  of  huts  or  wigwams.  When  we  arrived 
at  the  village,  the  children  that  saw  me  were 
frightened  and  run  away  from  me — and  the  women 
expressed  a  great  deal  of  fear,  and  kept  at  a  dis- 
tance— but  my  guide  called  to  them  and  told  them 
not  to  be  afraid,  for  that  I  was  not  come  to  hurt 
them,  and  then  informed  them  from  whence  I  came, 
and  that  I  was  going  to  Croy. 


38  NARRATIVE. 

I  told  my  guide  that  I  was  very  hungry — and  she 
sent  the  children  for  something  for  me  to  eat ; — they 
came  and  brought  me  little  round  balls  of  boiled 
rice ;  and  they  not  daring  to  come  nigh,  threw  them 
to  me — these  I  picked  up  and  eat ;  afterwards  a 
woman  brought  some  rice  and  goats  milk  in  a  copper 
bason,  and  setting  it  on  the  ground,  made  signs  for 
me  to  take  it  up  and  eat  it,  which  I  did,  and  then 
put  the  bason  down  again ;  they  then  poked  away 
the  bason  with  a  stick,  battered  it  with  stones,  and 
making  a  hole  in  the  ground  buried  it.  After  that 
they  conducted  me  to  a  small  hut,  and  told  me  to 
tarry  there  till  the  morning,  when  they  would  con- 
duct me  to  the  harbour.  I  had  but  little  sleep  that 
night,  and  was  up  several  times  to  look  out,  and  saw 
two  or  three  indians  at  a  little  distance  from  the 
hut,  who  I  suppose  were  placed  there  to  watch  me. 
Early  in  the  morning  numbers  came  round  the  hut, 
and  the  female  who  was  my  guide,  asked  me  where 
my  country  was  ?  I  could  not  make  her  under- 
stand, only  that  it  was  at  a  great  distance.  She 
then  asked  me  if  my  countrymen  eat  men.  I  told 
her  no — and  seeing  some  goats,  pointed  at  them  and 
told  her  we  eat  such  as  them. — She  then  asked  me 


NARRATIVE.  39 

what  made  me  white,  and  if  it  was  not  the  white 
rain  that  come  upon  us  when  we  were  small  ?  (How 
they  came  by  this  notion  I  know  not,  but  suppose 
that  while  she  was  over  with  the  Malays  she  had 
heard  something  of  snow  from  them,  as  they  carry 
on  some  trade  with  the  English  at  Fort  Marlboro' 
and  Bencoolen.)  And  as  I  wished  to  please  and 
satisfy  them,  I  told  them  that  I  supposed  it  was — 
for  it  was  only  in  certain  seasons  of  the  year  that  it 
fell,  and  in  hot  weather  when  it  did  not  fall  the 
people  grew  darker  till  it  returned  and  then  the 
people  all  grew  white  again — this  seemed  to  please 
them  very  much. 

My  protectress  now  brought  a  young  man  to  me 
who,  she  said,  was  her  brother,  and  who  would  shew 
me  the  way  to  the  harbour ; — she  then  cut  a  stick 
about  eight  feet  long,  and  he  took  hold  of  one  end 
and  gave  me  the  other — she  told  me  that  she  had 
instructed  her  brother  what  to  say  at  the  harbour. 
He  then  led  off  and  I  followed.  During  our  walk  I 
put  out  my  hand  to  him  several  times,  and  made 
signs  of  friendship — but  he  seemed  to  be  afraid 
of  me,  and  would  look  upwards  and  then  fall  flat  on 
the  ground  and  kiss  it — this  he  repeated  as  often  as 


40  NARRATIVE. 

I  made  any  sign  or  token  of  friendship  to  him. — 
When  we  had  got  near  the  harbour  lie  made  a  sign 
for  me  to  sit  down  upon  a  rock,  which  I  did ;  he 
then  left  me  and  went,  as  I  supposed,  to  talk  with 
the  people  at  the  water  concerning  me  ;  but  I  had 
not  sit  long  before  I  saw  a  vessel  coming  round  a 
point  into  the  harbour. — They  soon  came  on  shore 
in  the  boat. — I  went  down  to  them  and  made  my 
case  known,  and  when  the  boat  returned  on  board 
they  took  me  with  them.  It  was  a  Dutch  snow* 
bound  from  China  to  Batavia ;  after  they  had 
wooded  and  watered  they  set  sail  for  Batavia : — 
being  out  about  three  weeks  we  arrived  there  : — I 
tarried  on  board  her  about  three  weeks  longer,  and 
then  got  on  board  a  Spanish  ship  which  was  from 
Rio  cle  la  Plate  bound  to  Spain,  but  by  stress  of 
weather  was  forced  to  put  into  this  port.  After  the 
vessel  had  repaired  we  sailed  for  Spain.  When  we 
made  the  Cape  of  Good-Hope  we  fell  in  with  two 
British  cruizers  of  20  guns  each,  who  engaged  us 
and   did   the  vessel   considerable    damage,  but   at 

*  A  vessel  with  two  masts  resembling  the  main  and  fore- 
masts of  a  ship,  and  a  third  small  mast  just  abaft  the  mainmast, 
carrying  a  sail  similar  to  a  ship's  mizzen. 


NAKEATIVE.  41 

length  we  beat  them  off,  and  then  run  for  the  coast 
of  Brazils,  where  we  arrived  safe  and  began  to  work 
at  repairing  our  ship,  but  upon  examination  she  was 
found  to  be  not  fit  to  proceed  on  her  voyage,  she 
was  therefore  condemned.  I  then  left  her  and  got 
on  board  a  Portuguese  snow,  bound  up  to  St.  Helena, 
and  we  arrived  safe  at  that  place.  I  then  went  on 
shore  and  quitted  her,  and  engaged  in  the  garrison 
there  to  do  duty  as  a  soldier  for  my  provisions,  till 
some  ship  should  arrive  there  bound  to  England. 
After  serving  here  a  month,  I  entered  on  board 
a  ship  called  the  Stormont(s'j) — but  orders  were  soon 
after  received  that  no  indiaman  should  sail  without 
convoy  ;  and  we  lay  here  six  months,  during  which 
time  our  captain  (Montgomery)  died. 

While  I  was  at  St.  Helena,  the  vessel  which  I 
came  out  from  England  in  arrived  here,  homeward 
bound  ;  she  being  on  the  return  from  her  second 
voyage  since  I  came  from  England  : — and  now  I 
made  known  my  case  to  Captain  Kerr,  who  readily 
took  me  on  board  the  Princess-Royal,  and  used  me 
kindly — and  those  of  my  old  shipmates  on  board 
were  glad  to  see  me  again.  Captain  Kerr  at  first 
seeing  me,  asked  me  if  I  was  not  afraid  to  let  him 


42  NARRATIVE. 

know  who  I  was  ?  and  endeavoured  to  frighten  me ; 
yet  his  conduct  towards  me  was  humane  and  kind. — 
It  had  been  very  sickly  on  board  the  Princess- 
Royal,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  hands  which  came 
out  of  England  in  her  had  died,  and  she  was  now 
manned  chiefly  with  lascars,  (country  born  people) : 
among  those  who  had  died  was  the  boatswain  and 
the  boatswain's  mate,  and  Captain  Kerr  made  me 
boatswain  of  the  ship — in  which  office  I  continued 
until  we  arrived  in  London — and  it  protected  me 
from  being  impressed  at  our  arrival  in  England. 

We  sailed  from  St.  Helena  about  the  first  of 
November,  1781,  under  convoy  of  the  Experiment 
of  50  guns,*  commanded  by  Captain  Henry,  and 
the  Shark  sloop  of  war  of  18  guns  (31) — aud  we 
arrived  in  London  about  the  first  of  March,  1782, — 
it  having  been  about  two  years  and  a  half  from  the 
time  I  had  left  it. 

In  about  a  fortnight  after  our  arrival  in  London, 

*  There  is  a  mistake  here.  The  Experiment  of  50  guns  was 
taken  by  the  French,  Sept.  24,  1779,  when  under  the  command 
of  Sir  James  Wallace.  Her  successor,  a  44  gun-ship,  was  not 
launched  until  1784.  The  ship  the  writer  alludes  to  was  the 
Eenown,  of  50  guns,  Oapt.  John  Henry.  For  account  of  her 
see  note  (30). 


NARRATIVE.  43 

I  entered  on  board  the  King-George,  (sa)  store-ship 
bound  to  Antigua,  and  after  four  weeks  passage 
arrived  there — the  second  night  after  we  came  to 
anchor  in  Antigua,  I  took  the  ship's  boat  and  made 
my  escape  in  her  to  Montserrat,*  which  place  had 
but  just  before  been  taken  by  the  French. — Here  I 
did  not  meet  with  the  treatment  which  I  expected  ;• 
for  on  my  arrival  at  Montserrat  I  was  immediately 
taken  up  and  put  in  prison,  where  I  continued 
24.  hours,  and  my  boat  taken  from  me  ; — I  was  then 
sent  to  Guadaloupe,f  and  examined  by  the  gover- 
nor.— I  made  known  my  case  to  him,  by  acquainting 
him  with  the  misfortunes  I  had  gone  through  in  my 
captivity  and  in  making  my  escape — he  seemed  to 
commiserate  me — gave  me  ten  dollars  for  the  boat 
that  I  escaped  in,  and  provided  a  passage  for  me  on 
board  a  French  brigantine :}:  that  was  bound  from 

*  The  Isle  of  Montserrat  in  the  "West  Indies,  was  discovered 
by  Columbus  in  1493,  and  was  planted  by  England  in  1632. 
It  was  taken  by  the  French,  Feb.  18,  1782,  and  was  restored 
to  England  in  1783. 

t  One  of  the  "West  India  Islands,  Leeward  Group.  The 
Governor  at  this  time  was  Capt.  Gen.  Thomas  Shirley. 

%  This  was  a  small,  flat,  open,  light  vessel,  going  both  with 
sails  and  oars,  being  intended  either  for  fighting  or  giving 


44  NAERATIVE. 

Guadaloupe  to  Philadelphia : — the  vessel  sailed  in  a 
few  days — and  now  my  prospects  were  favourable — 
but  my  misfortunes  were  not  to  end  here  ;  for  after 
being  out  21  days,  we  fell  in  with  the  Amphitrite  (33) 
and  Amphene,  (34)  two  British  cruizers,  oft'  the  Capes 
of  Delaware,  by  whom  we  were  taken,  carried  into 
New- York,  and  put  on  board  the  Jersey  (35)  prison- 
ship — after  being  on  board  about  a  week,  a  cartel 
was  fitted  out  for  France,  and  I  was  sent  on  board 
as  a  French  prisoner  : — The  cartel  was  ordered  for 
St.  Malo's,  *  and  after  a  passage  of  32  days  we 
arrived  safe  at  that  place. 

Finding  no  American  vessel  at  St.  Malo's,  I  went 
to  the  commandant  and  procured  a  pass  to  go  by 
land  to  Port  l'Orient ;  f  on  my  arrival  there  I  found 
three  American  privateers  belonging  to  Beverley,:}: 
in  the  Massachusetts.  I  was  much  elated  at  seeing 
so  many  of  my  country,  some  of  whom  I  was  well 

chase.  These  vessels  were  first  used  by  pirates.  The  English 
brigantine  was  quite  different;  in  fact,  the  term  was  variously 
applied  by  the  mariners  of  different  European  nations. 

*  A  seaport  town  in  France. 

t  A  seaport  town  in  France. 

I  Beverly,  a  post  town  in  Essex  Co.,  Mass.  First  settled, 
1626.     Population  in  1860,  6,154. 


NARRATIVE.  45 

acquainted  with.  I  immediately  entered  on  board 
the  Bucaneer — Captain  Phierson  : — We  sailed  on  a 
cruize,  and  after  being  out  18  days,  we  returned  to 
L'Orient  with  six  prizes. — Three  days  after  our 
arrival  in  port  we  heard  the  joyful  news  of  peace; — 
on  which  the  privateer  was  dismantled,  the  people 
discharged,  and  Capt.  Phierson  sailed  on  a  merchant 
voyage  to  Norway. 

I  then  entered  on  board  a  brig  bound  to  Lisbon, 
(Capt.  Ellenwood  (36)  of  Beverly),  and  arrived  at 
Lisbon  in  eight  days — we  took  in  a  cargo  of  salt, 
and  sailed  for  Beverly,  where  we  arrived  the  9th 
of  May,  1783, — being  now  only  15  miles  from 
home. — I  immediately  set  for  Cape- Ann,  {3-)  went 
to  my  father's  (ss)  house,  and  had  an  agreeable 
meeting  with  my  friends,  after  an  absence  of  almost 
six  years. 

New-London  May  10,  1788. 

JOHN  BLATCHFORD(„). 


46  NARRATIVE. 

[1ST.  B.  Those  who  are  acquainted  with  the  narrator  will 
not  scruple  to  give  full  credit  to  the  foregoing  account  — 
and  others  may  satisfy  themselves  by  conversing  with  him. 
The  scars  he  carries  are  proof  of  a  part  of  his  narrative — 
and  a  gentleman  belonging  to  New-London,  who  was  several 
months  with  Mm,  was  acquainted  with  part  of  his  suffer- 
ings, tho"1  it  teas  out  of  his  power  to  relieve  him. — He  is  a 
poor  man,  with  a  wife  and  two  children — His  employment 
fishing  and  coasting.] 


Boston,  Dec.  6,  1864. 

I  have  carefully  compared  the  foregoing  copy  (40  pages) 
with  the  printed  tract  in  the  Library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society,  and 
hereby  certify  that  it  is  an  accurate  transcript  of  the  same. 

J.  Appleton, 

AssisVt.  LiVn. 


NOTES. 


(i)  The  Hancock  was  one  of  the  thirteen  vessels  authorized 
to  be  built  by  resolution  of  Congress  of  Dec.  13th,  1775,  and 
was  one  of  the  two  frigates  which,  by  that  resolve,  were 
ordered  to  be  constructed  in  Massachusetts.  She  mounted 
32  twelve-pounder  guns,  and  was  built  at,  or  near  Boston,  in 
1776.  As  soon  as  she  was  equipped  and  ready  for  sea,  she 
was  placed  under  the  command  of  Captain  John  Manly,  and 
soon  after  sailed  on  a  cruise.  On  the  27th  day  of  June,  1777, 
in  company  with  the  frigate  Boston,  of  24  guns,  she  took  off 
the  coast  of  Xew  Foundland,  the  British  frigate  Fox,  of  28 
guns,  after  an  action  of  about  two  hours'  duration.  On  the  8th 
day  of  July  following,  after  a  chase  of  more  than  30  hours,  the 
Hancock  was  captured  by  the  Bainbow,  of  4±  guns,  com- 
manded by  Sir  George  Collier,  and  taken  to  Halifax.  Capt. 
Manly  is  thought  to  have  lost  her  in  consequence  of  having 
put  her  out  of  trim  by  starting  the  water  in  her  fore  hold. 
■She  was  subsequently  purchased  on  behalf  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment, and  added  to  the  navy  under  the  name  of  the  Iris. 


48  NOTES. 

On  the  7th  day  of  June,  1780,  while  under  the  command  of 
Capt.  James  Hawker,  she  encountered  off  the  coast  of  North 
America,  the  French  36-gun  frigate  Hermoine,  M.  la  Fouche 
Treville,  commander,  and  after  a  severe  action  of  one  hour 
and  twenty  minutes,  the  latter  was  compelled  to  sheer  off.  On 
the  16th  day  of  March,  1781,  being  then  under  the  orders  of 
Capt.  George  Dawson,  the  Iris  formed  one  of  the  squadron 
under  Admiral  Arbuthnot  in  the.  action  off  the  Chesapeake, 
with  the  squadron  under  M.  de  Ternay.  On  the  9th  of  August 
following,  while  cruising  oft*  the  capes  of  Delaware,  she  fell  in 
with  the  American  ship  Trumbull,  of  28  guns,  Capt.  James 
Nicholson.  A  sharp  action  commenced,  and  continued  for 
over  an  hour  with  no  definite  result,  when  another  British 
frigate  came  up,  whereupon,  the  Trumbull  struck  her  colors. 
In  this  engagement  the  Trumbull  had  four  men  killed  and  five 
wounded,  and  the  Iris  one  killed  and  six  wounded.  Previous 
to  the  contest  the  Trumbull  had  lost  her  fore-top  mast  in  a 
gale  of  wind.  She  was  a  valuable  prize,  having  five  hundred 
barrels  of  fresh  Philadelphia  flour  and  bread  on  board.  On 
the  10th  day  of  September  following,  the  Iris  was  sent  to  cut 
away  the  French  buoys  at  the  anchorage  ground  near  the 
Chesapeake  Bay,  when  she  was  intercepted  and  captured  by 
the  French  squadron  under  M.  de  Barras.  She  was  subse- 
quently added  to  the  French  navy  under  the  same  name. 
During  the  time  she  was  held  by  the  British,  she  proved  her- 
self one  of  the  fastest  ships  on  the  American  station,  and  cap- 
tured so  many  rich  prizes,  that  she  is  said  to  have  made  the 


NOTES.  49 

fortunes  of  all  who  commanded  her.  Her  place  in  the  British 
service  was  supplied  by  another  frigate,  of  the  same  name  and 
force,  which  was  built  on  the  river  Thames  in  1783.  The  Iris 
remained  in  the  possession  of  the  French  until  the  year  1793, 
when  she  was  blown  up  at  Toulon,  as  a  magazine,  by  the 
Spaniards. 

(2)  Capt.  John  Manly  was  a  native  of  Massachusetts,  and 
was  born  in  the  year  1733.  After  receiving  the  rudiments  of 
education,  he  embraced  the  maritime  life,  and  soon  became 
noted  for  his  energy  and  professional  merit.  In  1775  he  com- 
manded the  schooner  Lee,  and  in  November  of  that  year,  took 
the  Nancy,  a  transport  bound  to  Boston,  and  laden  with 
valuable  munitions  of  war,  of  which  the  colonists  were  then  in 
great  need.  While  in  this  command  he  made  other  valuable 
prizes,  one  of  which  he  captured  in  sight  of  the  British  fleet  in 
Boston  harbor.  His  zeal  and  enterprise  attracted  the  attention 
of  Congress,  and  that  body,  in  the  following  year,  appointed 
him  a  captain  in  the  navy,  and  gave  him  the  command  of  the 
Hancock,  a  beautiful  frigate  of  32  guns,  then  building  in  Mas- 
sachusetts. In  this  vessel  he  captured  the  Fox,  June  27th, 
1777,  and  in  July  following  this  prize  was  retaken  by  the 
Flora  of  32  guns,  Capt.  Brisbane.  About  the  same  time,  the 
Hancock  struck  to  the  Rainbow,  Sir  George  Collier,  after  a 
long  chase,  and  was  taken  with  her  crew  to  Halifax.  In  a  few 
days  after,  Capt.  Manly  was  conveyed  to  New  York,  where  he 
remained  a  prisoner  until  the  month  of  April  of  the  year  fol- 


50  NOTES. 

lowing.  He  was  then  released  and  returned  to  Boston,  when 
his  conduct  was  investigated,  but  the  result  of  the  inquiry  left 
him  without  reproach.  Soon  after  this  he  was  put  in  com- 
mand of  the  Cumberland,  a  new  privateer  of  20  guns,  and  in 
Jan.,  1779,  while  cruising  in  her  off  the  southern  coast,  was 
taken  by  the  Pomona  frigate  of  28  guns,  Capt.  Waldegrave, 
and  carried  into  Barbadoes,  where  he  and  his  officers  were 
imprisoned.  Finding  that  their  applications  for  paroles  were 
rejected,  they  determined  to  attempt  their  escape.  This  they 
effected  by  taking  possession  of  a  Bermudian  sloop,  and  steer- 
ing their  course  for  Martinico,  where  they  arrived  in  safety 
and  sold  their  vessel.  On  his  return  home,  Capt.  Manly  was 
appointed  to  the  privateer  Jason,  of  20  guns,  which  vessel  had 
just  before  been  taken  from  the  British.  On  the  25th  July, 
1779,  while  on  a  cruise  in  her,  he  was  attacked  by  two  British 
privateers,  one  of  18  and  the  other  of  16  guns.  Reserving  his 
fire,  Capt.  Manly  ran  between  the  privateers,  and  poured  his 
starboard  broadside  into  one,  and  his  larboard  broadside  into 
the  other  with  great  effect,  whereupon  both  his  opponents 
struck  their  colors.  In  the  mouth  of  August  following,  while 
cruising  off  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  he  took  a  ship  of 
14  guns,  and  20  men.  In  November,  after  an  obstinate 
engagement  of  four  glasses,  Capt.  Manly  was  captured  by  the 
Perseus  frigate  of  20  guns.  In  this  contest  the  Jason  lost  18 
killed  and  12  wounded,  and  the  Perseus  7  killed  and  10 
wounded.  Having  been  exchanged,  Capt.  Manly  was  on  the 
11th  Sept.,  1782,  appointed  to  the  frigate  Hague,  formerly  the 


NOTES.  51 

Dearie,  of  32  guns,  and  sailed  for  the  West  Indies.  A  few  days 
after  leaving  Martinique,  he  was  descried  by  a  British  74,  and 
to  avoid  capture,  he  ran  his  ship  on  a  sand  bank  near  Guada- 
loupe.  "While  thus  exposed,  he  is  said  to  have  sustained  the 
fire  from  the  enemy's  ships  for  three  days  with  undaunted 
firmness.  On  the  4th  he  got  off,  when,  hoisting  his  colors  at 
the  main-top-gallant-mast,  and  firing  13  guns  in  farewell 
defiance,  he  made  his  escape  and  arrived  safely  in  Boston, 
where,  this  exploit  having  gained  him  much  eclat,  he  was 
received  with  marked  attention.  Capt.  Manly  continued  in 
command  of  the  Hague,  and  his  ship  was  one  of  the  last 
cruisers  at  sea  in  the  war.  She  was  frequently  chased,  and 
made  many  narrow  escapes.  After  the  peace,  Capt.  Manly 
returned  to  Boston,  and  retired  to  private  life.  He  died  in 
that  city,  Feb.  12,  1793,  in  the  60th  year  of  his  age. 

(s)  The  Fox  was  a  British  frigate  mounting  28  guns,  four  of 
which  were  four-pounders,  and  the  remaining  twenty-four  long 
nine-pounders.  She  was  registered  as  a  sixth-rate,  and  was 
built  on  the  river  Thames  in  the  year  1774.-  She  was  placed 
under  the  command  of  Capt.  P.  Fotheringham,  and  in  1776 
formed  one  of  the  squadron  at  New  Foundland,  under  John 
Montagu,  vice-admiral  of  the  white.  On  the  27th  day  of  June, 
1777,  while  on  a  cruise  near  the  Banks  of  New  Foundland, 
she  fell  in  with  the  American  frigates  Hancock,  of  32  guns, 
and  Boston,  of  24  guns.  An  action  commenced  and  continued 
for  about  two  hours.     During  the  engagement  the  Fox  took 


52  NOTES. 

fire  in  the  main  chains,  where  a  number  of  wads  had  been 
deposited.  Upon  this,  the  Americans  ceased  firing  until  the 
flames  were  extinguished,  when  the  contest  was  resumed. 
The  Fox  being  at  length  reduced  to  a  wreck,  and  having  sus- 
tained a  severe  loss  in  killed  and  wounded,  Capt.  Fotheringham 
ordered  the  colors  to  be  hauled  down.  The  Lieut,  of  Marines, 
Hon.  James  J.  Napier,  was  among  the  wounded.  In  July 
following,  while  the  prize  was  being  conveyed  by  her  captors 
to  Boston,  the  British  ship  Rainbow  hove  in  sight  and  gave 
chase  to  the  Hancock,  while  the  Boston  eflected  her  escape. 
During  the  chase,  the  32-gun  frigate  Flora  came  up  and 
recaptured  the  Fox,  and  carried  her  into  Halifax.  The  Fox, 
after  undergoing  repairs,  was  again  taken  into  the  British 
service.  She  was  placed  under  the  orders  of  Hon.  Thomas 
Windsor,  manned  with  a  crew  of  200  men,  and  in  1778,  formed 
one  of  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Keppel,  which  in  July  of  that 
year  was  cruising  off  Brest  in  search  of  the  French  fleet  under 
Oomte  d'  Orvilliers.  On  the  10th  of  September  following, 
while  off  the  French  coast,  she  was  chased  by  the  34-gun 
frigate  Junon,  commanded  by  Vicomte  de  Beaumont.  The 
weather  being  thick  and  hazy,  the  Junon  was  not  perceived 
until  close  aboard  of  the  Fox,  when  the  latter  hpve  to  and 
awaited  the  approach  of  the  Frenchman.  An  action  com- 
menced, and  lasted  for  three  hours,  when  the  Fox,  being 
totally  dismasted,  having  several  guns  disabled,  11  men  killed, 
and  Capt.  Windsor  and  49  of  his  men  wounded,  many  of  them 
mortally,  hauled  down  her  colors.     The  Junon  had  a  crew  of 


NOTES.  53 

330  men,  and  carried  six  6-pounders  and  28  long  twelves. 
The  Fox  was  succeeded  in  the  British  navy  by  a  32-gun 
frigate  of  the  same  name,  of  697  tons  burden,  built  at  Bursle- 
don,  in  the  year  1780. 

Patrick  Fothekixgham  was  made  lieut.  on  the  13th  day  of 
Dec,  1760,  promoted  to  commander  April  1,  1765.  and  raised 
to  the  rank  of  captain,  Sept.  2,  1773.  About  the  year  1772, 
he  was  appointed  to  the  sloop  Merlin,  of  18  guns,  in  which 
vessel  he  seems  to  have  served  until  1775,  when  he  was  made 
capt.  of  the  Fox,  of  28  guns,  and  soon  after,  ordered  to  North 
America.  Capt.  Fotheringham  was  tried  by  court-martial  at 
Portsmouth,  March  3,  1778,  for  the  loss  of  his  ship,  and  he 
and  his  officers  were  honorably  acquitted.  He  was  soon  after 
appointed  to  the  Resource,  of  28  guns,  in  which  frigate  he 
remained  for  the  usual  period.  He  died  in  the  "West  Indies  in 
the  spring  of  1781,  while  captain  of  the  ship  Ruby. 

(4)  The  Rainbow  was  registered  as  a  fifth-rate,  carried 
44-  guns,  and  was  built  on  the  river  Thames  in  1761,  to 
succeed  a  40-gun  ship  of  the  same  name,  then  broken  up.  The 
dimensions  of  our  vessel  were  as  follows  :  length  of  gun-deck, 
131  feet  3  in.;  of  keel,  108  ft  ?,%  in.;  breadth,  37  ft.  10%  in.; 
depth  in  hold,  16  ft.;  tons,  831.  In  the  year  1762,  she  was 
placed  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  Mark  Robinson,  and  formed 
one  of  the  Havanna  squadron  under  Commodore  Elliot,  at 
which  time  she  carried  a  crew  of  380  men.  In  1764  she  was 
commanded  by  Capt.  "Walter  Sterling,  and  was  on  duty  in 


54  NOTES. 

North  America.  She  remained  on  this  station  till  1766,  when 
she  returned  home  and  was  put  out  of  commission.  A  short 
time  after  the  prospect  of  a  rupture  with  Spain  had  passed 
away,  Oapt.  Charles  Fielding  was  appointed  to  the  Rainbow, 
then  equipping  for  service  at  Chatham,  a  command  which  he 
retained  for  nearly  two  years.  Towards  the  conclusion  of 
1771,  Thomas  Collingwood  was  placed  in  command  of  her, 
and  he  seems  to  have  remained  in  her  for  the  usual  period  of 
three  years,  doing  duty  a  part  of  the  time  on  the  coast  of 
Guinea.  At  the  commencement  of  the  dispute  with  the 
North  American  colonies,  she  was  placed  under  the  orders 
of  Sir  George  Collier,  and  came  to  America  with  Commodore 
Hotham,  and  a  large  re-inforcement  of  troops  for  the  army 
under  Gen.  Howe.  In  1776  she  co-operated  with  the  army  in 
the  reduction  of  New  York,  and  in  1777  she  was  stationed  at 
Halifax,  where  she  was  one  of  a  small  squadron  employed  in 
protecting  the  fisheries  as  well  as  the  trade  in  that  quarter. 
In  the  month  of  July,  being  on  a  cruise,  she  fell  in  with,  and 
after  a  long  chase,  captured  the  Hancock  frigate  of  32  guns 
and  290  men — a  ship  esteemed  at  that  time  the  finest  in 
the  American  service,  and  one  of  the  fastest  sailing  vessels 
ever  built.  After  this,  the  Rainbow  proceeded  to  Machias, 
and  along  the  coast  of  New  England,  burning  the  vessels  and 
destroying  the  stores  intended  for  the  contemplated  invasion 
by  the  Americans  of  Nova  Scotia.  In  the  beginning  of  1779 
she  was  one  of  a  squadron  that  sailed  from  New  York  in  com- 
pany with  transports  conveying  troops  under  Gen.  Matthew 


NOTES.  55 

to  Hampton  Roads,  anil  she  co-operated  with  the  array  in  the 
reduction  of  Norfolk,  Suffolk,  Portsmouth,  and  Gosport.  A 
short  time  after  this,  John  Kendall  was  appointed  to  her,  and 
shortly  after,  she  returned  home  and  went  into  dock  at 
Chatham.  Having  been  thoroughly  overhauled,  she  was 
placed  under  the  orders  of  Henry  Trollope,  and  sailed  on 
the  2d  day  of  Sept.,  1782,  for  Plymouth,  to  join  Commodore 
Elliot  in  the  Channel.  When  off  the  Isle  of  Bas,  she  fell  in 
with  and  captured  the  French  frigate  La  Hebe,  of  40  guns  and 
360  men,  then  on  her  way  frorn  St.  Malo  to  Brest,  with  a  con- 
voy, which  in  the  chase,  being  close  in  shore,  got  into  Morlais 
in  safety.  In  the  engagement,  the  Rainbow  -lost  only  one 
man,  while  her  opponent  had  her  2d  capt.  and  four  men 
killed,  besides  several  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  Mons. 
de  Vigny,  the.  commander  of  the  French  vessel.  The  Hebe 
being  a  fine  ship,  was  purchased  by  government,  and  added  to 
the  Royal  navy  under  the  same  name.  This  action  appears  to 
have  been  the  last  active  service  of  the  Rainbow,  for  we  find 
her  in  1784  reported  as  a  hulk.  Shortly  after  this  she  was  fitted 
up  as  a  receiving  ship,  and  stationed  at  "Woolwich.  She  was 
used  in  this  capacity  until  about  the  year  1801,  when  she  was 
broken  up.  The  "  Rainbow  "  seems  to  have  been  a  favorite 
name  in  the  British  navy,  as  we  read  of  one  as  early  as  1594, 
in  a  squadron  under  Sir  Martin  Frobisher,  sent  to  aid  the 
French  in  their  attack  upon  Brest,  which  was  then  in  posses- 
sion of  the  Spaniards. 

Sir  George  Collier  was  born  in  1738.     He  entered  the 


56  NOTES. 

navy  when  about  thirteen  years  of  age,  and  served  part  of  his 
time  with  Sir  George  Pocock.  He  was  made  commander, 
Ang.  6,  1761,  and  attained  the  rank  of  captain,  July  12,  1762. 
About  this  time,  he  was  appointed  to  the  Bologne.  of  32  guns, 
in  which  vessel  he  served  till  the  following  year,  when  peace 
having  taken  place,  he  was  appointed  to  the  Edgar,  of  60  guns, 
then  a  guard-ship  at  Plymouth.  In  1770,  he  was  commissioned 
to  the  Tweed  frigate,  and  sailed  on  a  cruise  in  the  Channel  in 
a  small  squadron  under  the  Duke  of  Cumberland.  He  subse- 
quently commanded  the  Levant,  of  28  guns,  and  afterwards 
the  Flora,  of  32,  and  in  1775,  received  the  honor  of  knight- 
hood. About  this  time  he  was  appointed  to  the  Rainbow,  of 
44  guns,  and  in  1776,  proceeded  in  her  to  North  America. 
He  assisted  in  the  reduction  of  New  York  in  that  year,  and  in 
1777,  commanded  the  detachment  of  the  fleet  stationed  at 
Halifax,  distingnishing  himself  greatly  by  his  energy  and 
activity.  In  July  he  captured  the  American  frigate  Hancock, 
of  32  guns,  and  soon  after  bringing  her  into  port,  he  proceeded 
to  Machias,  where  he  destroyed  the  magazines  and  store- 
houses filled  with  flour,  rice  and  other  articles,  which  the 
Americans  had  collected  there  for  a  contemplated  invasion  of 
Nova  Scotia,  and  subsequently  burnt  30  sail  of  vessels  along  the 
coast  of  New  England.  He  continued  on  that  station  till 
March,  1779,  when  he  moved  into  the  Raisonable  of  64  guns, 
on  board  of  which  he  hoisted  his  broad  pendant  as  commander- 
in-chief,  pro  tempore,  on  the  American  station.  In  May  fol- 
lowing, he  commanded  the  fleet  in  the  expedition  to  Virginia, 


NOTES.  57 

and  in  conjunction  with  a  land  force  under  Gen.  Matthew, 
took  possession  of  Portsmouth,  Xorfolk,  Gosport  and  Suffolk, 
capturing  a  large  quantity  of  stores,  cannon  and  ammunition, 
and  destroying  many  vessels  and  much  property  of  all  kind. 
After  his  return  to  Xew  York,  he  assisted  in  the  reduction  of 
Stony  Point,  Fort  Lafayette  and  Yerplanck's  Point,  subse- 
quently co-operated  with  Gen.  Tryon  in  the  destruction  of 
Norwalk,  Fairfield  and  Greenfield,  and  in  July  following  went 
to  the  relief  of  Penobscot,  where  he  signally  defeated  the 
American  fleet  under  Saltonstall,  capturing  and  destroying  the 
whole  force,  amounting  to  37  large  armed  vessels.  After  this 
he  returned  to  Xew  York,  where  he  found  Admiral  Arbuth- 
not,  to  whom  he  resigned  the  command  of  the  squadron,  and 
then  returned  to  England.  In  1780  he  was  appointed  to  the 
Canada,  of  74  guns,  one  of  the  ships  belonging  to  tbe  Channel 
fleet ;  in  the  following  year  he  accompanied  Admiral  Darby 
to  the  relief  of  Gibraltar,  and  in  1784  was  elected  M.  P.  for 
Honiton.  In  1790,  on  the  expectation  of  a  rupture  with  Spain,  s 
he  was  appointed  to  the  St.  George,  of  98  guns ;  but  the 
dispute  being  accommodated,  the  St.  George  was  paid  off.  On 
the  1st  Feb.,  1793,  he  was  made  rear-admiral  of  the  white,  on 
the  12th  April,  1794,  rear-admiraf  of  the  red,  and  on  the 
12th  July  following,  vice-admiral  of  the  white,  which  was  the 
highest  rank  he  lived  to  attain.  In  Jan.,  1795,  he  was 
appointed  to  the  chief  command  at  the  Xore,  but  was  com- 
pelled to  resign  on  account  of  ill  health.  He  died  on  the  6th 
day  of  April  following.     Sir  George  had  blue  eyes,  light  hair, 


58  NOTES. 

and  fair  complexion.  Though  of  medium  height,  he  was  well 
proportioned  and  very  active.  As  a  private  individual,  he 
was  amiable  and  benevolent,  sociable  and  pleasant ;  as  an 
officer,  brave,  active  and  persevering,  cool  and  determined  in 
battle,  slow  to  punish,  but  a  strict  observer  of  discipline. 
He  was  possessed  of  much  literary  taste,  and  was  the  trans- 
lator of  Selima  and  Azor,  a  dramatic  romance,  which  was 
successfully  performed  at  Drury  Lane  Theatre  in  1776.  He 
was  twice  married.  His  first  wife  was  Miss  Christiana  Gwyn, 
to  whom  he  was  united  in  1773.  By  her  he  had  one  son. 
His  second  wife  was  Miss  Elizabeth  Fryer,  to  whom  he  was 
married  in  1781.  By  her  he  had  two  daughters  and  four 
sons.  The  latter  all  entered  the  service  of  their  country — two 
in  the  army  and  two  in  the  navy.  George,  the  eldest  of  the 
four,  became  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  Coldstream  Guards,  and 
was  killed  in  his  31st  year  in  the  sortie  from  Bayonne, 
March  10,  1814. 

(5)  The  Floka  was  a  fifth-rate  British  frigate,  mounting  32 
guns.  She  was  formerly  the  Vestale  French  frigate  of  32  guns, 
and  was  captured  off  the  French  coast  on  the  8th  January, 
1761,  by  the  Union  frigate  of  28  guns,  Capt.  Joseph  Hunt, 
after  a  severe  action,  in  which  Capt.  Hunt  was  killed,  and 
M.  Boisbertelot,  the  commander  of  the  Vestale,  had  his  leg 
shot  off,  in  consequence  of  which  he  died  the  next  day.  The 
Vestale  was  repaired  and  added  to  the  British  navy,  under 
the  name  of  the  Flora.     In  1762  she  was  stationed  in  the 


NOTES.  59 

Downs,  and  was  then  commanded  by  Capt.  Gamaliel  Nightin- 
gale. She  remained  on  home  duty  but  a  short  time,  as  peace 
took  place  soon  after,  and  she  was  then  pnt  out  of  commission. 
Her  next  employment  appears  to  have  been  in  1773,  at  which 
time  she  was  commanded  by  Capt.  George  Collier,  and  was  on 
the  home  station.  Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the 
contest  with  the  colonies,  Capt.  John  Brisbane  was  appointed 
to  her,  and  in  1776  she  was  ordered  to  North  America  with  a 
convoy.  She  was  employed  here  subsequently  on  a  variety 
of  desultory  service.  In  July,  1777,  she  re-captured  the  Fox, 
a  frigate  of  28  guns,  which  had  been  taken  on  the  Banks  of 
New  Foundland,  a  short  time  before,  by  the  American  frigates 
Hancock  and  Boston.  In  the  summer  of  1778,  she  was  one 
of  the  small  squadron  under  Capt.  Brisbane,  that  was  stationed 
off  Rhode  Island,  to  protect  that  post  and  distress  the  com- 
merce of  the  neighboring  coast.  While  thus  employed,  the 
French  fleet,  under  Comte  d'Estaing,  comprising  12  ships  of 
the  line  and  4  frigates,  made  its  appearance  off  Rhode  Island 
on  the  28th  of  July,  and  after  several  previous  indications  of 
attack  in  less  force,  entered  the  harbor  of  Newport  on  the 
8th  day  of  August  following.  In  consequence  of  this,  the 
officers  of  Capt.  Brisbane's  squadron,  then  lying  in  the  harbor, 
were  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  burning  or  sinking  their  ships, 
to  prevent  them  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and 
the  Flora  was  one  of  those  that  were  sunk.  Her  place  in  the 
British  navy  was  supplied  by  a  36-gun  frigate,  of  the  same 
name,   which  was  built  at  Deptford   in  the  year  1780,   and 


60  NOTKS. 

which,  after  serving  with  distinction,  was  lost  on  the  18th 
January,  1808,  by  striking  upon  Schelling  Eeef.  The  32-gun 
frigate  Flora,  the  subject  of  our  sketch,  after  being  submerged 
for  some  time,  was  at  length  weighed  by  the  Americans,  and 
sold  by  them  to  the  French,  who  gave  her  the  name  of  the 
Flore.  On  the  7th  September,  1798,  she  was  captured  off  the 
French  coast,  after  a  long  chase,  by  the  Phaeton  frigate 
of  38  guns,  Hon.  Robert  Stopford,  and  the  Anson  frigate  of 
44  gnus,  Philip  C.  Durham.  Her  subsequent  history  we  have 
been  unable  to  learn  further  than  that  she  was  sold  soon  after 
she  was  brought  into  port. 

Jonx  Brisbane  was  appointed  lieutenant,  Aug.  5,  1757,  and 
was  raised  to  the  rank  of  captain  on  the  24th  Sept.,  1760. 
For  a  short  time  he  commanded  the  Nightingale,  a  20-gun 
ship,  on  the  American  station.  After  this  he  was  appointed 
to  the  Echo,  a  24-gun  frigate,  lately  taken  from  the  French, 
and  was  ordered  to  the  "West  Indies.  He  continued  there  till 
the  end  of  the  war,  when  he  returned  home,  and  his  ship  was 
put  out  of  commission.  In  1769  he  was  appointed  to  the 
Ceberus,  of  28  guns,  and  after  being  in  her  a  short  time,  he 
returned  to  Chatham,  when  his  ship  was  laid  up.  Soon  after 
the  commencement  of  the  American  revolution,  he  was 
appointed  to  the  Flora,  of  32  guns,  and  in  1776  sailed  in  her 
to  America,  where  he  had  been  ordered  with  a  convoy.  In 
July,  1777,  he  recaptured  the  Fox  frigate  of  28  guns,  and  in 
the  summer  of  the  following  year,  was  stationed  off  Rhode 


NOTES.  61 

Inland  as  senior  or  commanding  officer  of  a  small  squadron. 
Having  lost  his  ship  while  in  this  command,  he  returned  home 
in  the  fall,  when  he  was  appointed  to  the  Alcide,  a  new  ship 
of  74  guns.  In  December,  1779,  he  sailed  with  Sir  George 
Rodney  to  Gibraltar,  but  was  not  materially,  if  at  all,  engaged 
in  the  action  with  the  Spanish  squadron.  He  subsequently 
proceeded  to  the  West  Indies,  and  thence  to  America,  after 
which  he  was  sent  home  by  Sir  George  Rodney,  with  the 
information  of  that  officer's  arrival  on  the  American  station 
with  the  "West  India  detachment.  He  reached  England  in 
December,  and  then  quitted  the  command  of  the  Alcide.  In 
the  ensuing  year  he  was  appointed  to  the  Hercules,  of  the 
same  force,  but  in  consequence  of  impaired  health,  he  was 
under  the  necessity  of  resigning  this  command  in  December 
following.  On  the  21st  September,  1790,  he  was  made  rear- 
admiral  of  the  blue,  and  on  the  12th  April,  1794.  was  advanced 
to  vice-admiral  of  the  blue.  On  the  4th  July  following,  he 
was  raised  to  vice-admiral  of  the  white,  and  on  the  1st  -June. 
1795,  was  advanced  to  vice-admiral  of  the  red.  He  died  on 
the  10th  December,  1807.  He  had  by  his  wife,  Mary,  two 
daughters  and  also  six  sons,  three  of  whom  died  in  the  service 
of  their  country.  The  widow  of  Admiral  Brisbane  died  at 
Brighton,  April  29th,  1817. 

(6)  The  Cabot  was  a  brig  of  189  tons  burden,  mounted 
14  guns,  believed  to  be  six-pounders,  and  was  purchased  by 
Congress  in  1775.     On  the  22d  December  of  that  year,  the 


62  NOTES. 

command  of  her  was  given  to  Capt.  John  B.  Hopkins,  and  in 
February  following,  she  formed  one  of  the  squadron  under 
Commodore  Ezek  Hopkins,  in  his  attack  upon  New  Provi- 
dence. On  her  return  she  engaged  the  Glasgow  frigate  of 
20  guns,  Capt.  Tyringhani  Howe ;  but  the  latter  being  too 
heavy  a  force  for  her,  she  was  compelled  to  sheer  oft*  having 
her  captain  wounded,  her  master  killed,  and  a  number  of  her 
crew  injured.  She  was  subsequently  placed  under  the  com- 
mand of  Capt.  Elisha  Hinman,  and  in  the  month  of  October 
she  took  two  ships  from  Jamaica  bound  to  London,  with 
sugar,  rum  and  indigo,  five  ships  and  a  brig,  all  from  Jamaica, 
one  of  them  a  3-decker,  with  upwards  of  600  hbds.  on  board. 
Her  next  commander  was  Capt.  Joseph  Olney.  While  under 
his  orders,  in  March,  1777,  she  was  chased  on  shore  on  the 
coast  of  Nova  Scotia  by  the  British  frigate  Milford,  of 
28  guns,  Capt.  John  Burr,  (see  Allen's  Battles  Brit.  Navy, 
vol.  i.,  p.  242,)  who  pressed  her  so  hard  that  she  had  barely 
time  to  get  her  people  out.  Capt.  Olney  and  crew,  after 
abandoning  their  vessel,  retreated  to  the  woods,  and  subse- 
quently seized  a  schooner,  in  which  they  got  home  in  safety. 
The  enemy,  after  a  long  trial,  got  the  Cabot  off.  She  was 
taken  into  the  British  service,  under  the  same  name,  and 
placed  under  the  command  of  Edward  Dodd.  On  the  13th 
May,  1779,  she  was  one  of  the  squadron  of  Sir  James  Wallace 
that  drove  a  division  of  the  French  force  in  Cancale  Bay,  in 
which  service  ste  had  her  purser  killed  and  two  of  her  men 
wounded.     In  1780  she  was  under  the  command  of  Henry 


NOTES.  63 

Cromwell,  and  was  one  of  the  squadron  of  Yice-admiral 
Parker,  in  the  battle  with  the  Dutch  squadron  under  Rear- 
admiral  Zoutman,  off  the  Dogger  Bank,  on  the  5th  day  of 
August  of  the  following  year.  In  1782  she  was  at  Sheerness, 
and  she  appears  to  have  been  broken  up  or  otherwise  disposed 
of  shortly  afterwards. 

Capt.  Joseph  Olsey  was,  we  believe,  a  native  of  Rhode 
Island.  In  1752  he  was  one  of  five  citizens  of  Providence 
who  were  appointed  to  have  the  care  of  the  town  school-house. 
Previous  to  the  Revolution,  he  kept  for  many  years  the  princi- 
pal public  house  in  Providence.  On  the  22d  December,  1775, 
he  was  appointed  by  Congress  a  lieutenant,  and  on  the 
10th  October,  1776,  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain. 
He  does  not  appear  to  have  had  any  command  after  the 
loss  of  the  Cabot.  He  probably  retired  to  Providence  and 
died  there. 

(7)  The  Milfobd  was  registered  as  a  sixth-rate,  carried 
28  guns,  and  was  built  in  1759.  In  1762  she  was  commanded 
by  Robert  Mann,  2d,  and  on  the  7th  day  of  March,  when  oh  a 
cruise  in  the  bay,  she  fell  in  with  and  engaged  the  letter-of- 
marque  La  Gloire,  from  Bordeaux,  bound  to  St.  Domingo, 
pierced  for  20  guns,  but  had  only  16  six-pounders,  and  10 
swivels  mounted,  with  a  crew  of  94  men.  Capt.  Mann  receiv- 
ing a  mortal  wound  in  the  early  part  of  the  action,  the 
command  devolved  upon  Lieut.  Day,  who  fought  his  ship  with 


64  NOTES. 

great  bravery,  until  he  fell  severely  wounded.  His  place  was 
then  supplied  by  Lieut.  Nash,  who  continued  the  engagement 
with  spirit,  and  at  length  compelled  his  opponent  to  strike  his 
colors.  The  La  Gloire  lost  her  mainmast  in  the  action,  had 
her  rigging,  sails  and  hull  cut  to  pieces,  and  6  of  her  crew 
killed  and  18  wounded.  The  Milford,  beside  her  captain  and 
first-lieutenant,  had  2  killed  and  13  wounded.  In  1763  the 
Milford  was  commanded  by  Capt.  J.  Reynolds,  and  was  in 
service  on  the  coast  of  Africa  ;  in  1766  Thomas  Cornwell  was 
appointed  to  her,  and  in  1770  she  was  at  Woolwich,  probably 
undergoing  repair.  In  the  year  1775  Captain  John  Burr  was 
appointed  to  command  her,  and  in  1776  she  came  to  America. 
In  the  month  of  June  following,  while  cruising  off  Cape  Ann, 
she  fell  in  with  and  captured  the  American  privateer  Yankee 
Hero,  commanded  by  Captain  Tracy,  of  Newburyport,  after  a 
severe  engagement  of  nearly  two  glasses.  In  the  contest  the 
Yankee  Hero  had  four  of  her  crew  killed  and  fourteen 
wounded.  Capt.  Tracy  was  wounded  in  the  leg.  Lieutenant 
Main  was  badly  injured,  and  Mr.  Rowe,  of  Cape  Ann,  sus- 
tained the  loss  of  an  arm.  In  the  month  of  September,  while 
on  a  cruise  off  Cape  Sable,  the  Milford  fell  in  with  the  Provi- 
dence, of  28  guns,  commanded  by  Captain  Paul  Jones.  An 
engagement  ensued,  and  continued  for  several  hours,  when 
her  opponent  was  compelled  to  sheer  off.  At  the  close  of 
the  year  she  fell  in  with  the  Alfred,  of  28  guns,  to  which 
vessel  Capt.  Jones  had  recently  been  appointed.  An  action 
took  place  and  lasted  for  some  time,  when  the  Alfred,  avail- 


NOTES.  65 

ing  herself  of  a  hai'd  gust  of  wind  which  arose,  succeeded 
in  effecting  her  escape.  In  March,  1777,  the  Jlilford  chased 
the  14-gun  brig  Cabot,  Capt.  Joseph  Olney,  ashore  on  the 
coast  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  in  June,  1778,  being  then  under  the 
orders  of  Sir  Win.  Burnaby,  and  attached  to  the  fleet  off 
Brest  under  Admiral  Keppel,  she,  in  company  with  another 
vessel,  compelled  the  French  frigate  Licorne,  of  32  guns, 
to  haul  down  her  colors.  In  August,  1779,  she  was  one 
of  the  Channel  fleet  under  Sir  Charles  Hardy,  and  was 
attached  to  the  centre  division  in  line  of  battle.  In  1780, 
Capt.  Philip  Patton  was  appointed  to  her,  and  under  him 
she  formed  one  of  the  Channel  fleet  in  Torbay,  under 
command  of  Vice-admiral  George  Darby.  Having  become 
leaky  and  in  need  of  great  repair,  Capt.  Patton  quitted 
her,  and  she  was  soon  after  broken  up.  Her  place  in  the 
navy  was  supplied  by  a  74-gun  ship,  which  we  find  build- 
ing in  the  year  1799. 

John  Burr,  who  we  believe  commanded  this  frigate  at  the 
time  referred  to  in  the  narrative,  was  made  lieutenant  in 
the  year  1758;  raised  to  commander,  Sept.  13,  1769,  and 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain  on  the  15th  day  of 
October,  1773.  In  1770  he  commanded  the  sloop  Hound, 
of  14  guns,  and  in  1775  was  appointed  to  the  Milford 
frigate,  of  28  guns,  which  appears  to  have  been  his  last 
command.  He  died  (says  Schomberg,  vol.  v.,  p.  346)  in 
the  year  1784. 


66  NOTES. 

(s)  The  following  particulars  we  take  from  the  papers  of  the  day  : 
"  Halifax,  July  12. 

This  Day  arrived  his  Majesty's  Ship  Rainbow,  Sir 
George  Collier,  having  brought  into  this  Harbour,  the  Hax- 
cock  Frigate,  commanded  by  Mr.  Manley  ;  the  following  are 
some  Particulars  relative  to  the  meeting  the  Rebel  Squadron 
under  Manley,  by  his  Majesty's  Ship  Rainbow,  commanded  by 
Sir  George  Collier. 

(~\$  Sunday  the  Gth  July,  at  Half  past  4  in  the  Afternoon 
^~>^  (Cape  Sambro'  then  bearing  X.  E.  about  12  or  13  Leagues) 
we  discovered  three  Sail  from  the  Mast-head,  which  we  imme 
diately  gave  chace  to,  but  from  the  Distance  could  form  no 
Judgment  of  their  Force,  or  what  they  were;  the  Victor  Brig 
was  at  this  Time  in  Company,  three  or  four  Miles  astern,  and 
as  her  Rate  of  sailing  was  much  inferior  to  that  of  the  Rain- 
bow, we  made  Signal  for  her  to  make  more  Sail,  being  appre- 
hensive otherwise  of  separating  from  her ;  at  Sun-set  we  had 
gained  so  much  on  the  Chace,  as  to  discover  they  were  large 
Ships,  standing  as  we  were  close  on  a  Wind,  which  was  at 
W.  N.  "W.,  and  seemed  to  us  a  conclusive  Proof  that  they 
were  bound  to  some  of  the  Ports  in  New-England ;  we  con- 
tinued the  Chace,  and  at  Daun  of  Day  in  the  Morning  saw 
them  again  about  three  Points  on  the  Weather-Bow,  with  a 
Sloop  in  Company :  the  prest  Sail  we  had  carried  all  Night, 
had  encreased  the  Distance  from  the  Victor  Brig  so  much, 
that  she  was  no  longer  discernable  from  the  Mast-head : — The 


NOTES.  67 

Ships  we  were  in  Chace  of,  were  about  five  or  six  Miles 
distant,  and  from  many  Circumstances  we  liad  no  doubt  were 
part  of  the  Rebel  Fleet,  who  had  sailed  some  Time  before 
from  Boston  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Mauley  ;  continuing 
the  Chace,  and  gaining  upon  them,  they  quitted  their  Prize 
Sloop  and  set  her  on  Fire,  going  off  in  a  regular  Line  of 
Battle-a-head,  and  setting  Top-gallant  Royals,  and  every  Sail 
that  could  be  useful  to  them. 

A  little  after  sis  A.M.  another  Sail  was  discovered,  stand- 
ing towards  the  Rebel  Ships  ;  she  crossed  us  on  the  contrary 
Tack,  at  about  four  Miles  Distance ;  and  put  about,  when  she 
could  fetch  their  Wakes ;  from  her  not  making  the  private 
Signal,  we  had  no  doubt  but  that  she  was  another  of  the 
Rebel  Frigates,  and  therefore.  Sir  George  paid  no  Regard  to 
an  English  red  Ensign  she  hoisted,  and  two  Guns  she  fired  to 
the  Leeward. 

About  Ten  in  the  Morning,  the  Enemy's  Ships  went  away 
tasking ;  and  three  Quarters  of  an  Hour  afterwards,  we  were 
surprized  to  see  several  Shot  exchanged  between  the  Stern- 
most  of  them,  and  the  Stranger  who  had  last  joined,  and 
whom  we  had  hitherto  looked  upon  as  another  of  their  Fleet ; 
we  then  hoisted  our  Colours,  and  soon  afterwards  the  two 
Sternmost  of  the  Rebel  Frigates  bawled  their  Wind,  whilst 
the  Headmost  kept  away  about  two  Points  from  it ;  this 
brought  the  English  Ship  (which  we  afterwards  found  to  be 
the  Flora)  more  a  breast  of  them,  and  she  passed  them  to  the 
Windward,  exchanging  a  Broadside  with  each,  and  pursuing 


C8  NOTES. 

the  Fugitive,  who  from  the  Alteration  two  or  three  Times  of 
her  Course,  seemed  uncertain  which  to  steer :  The  Flora 
gained  fast  upon  her,  which  she  perceiving,  hawled  her  Wind 
again,  and  soon  afterwards  tacked  and  stood  after  her  Com- 
rades, exchanging  a  Broad-side  with  the  Flora  as  they  passed 
each  other. 

"We  were  just  putting  about  after  the  two  Ships,  when  we 
observed  this,  which  made  us  stand  on  something  longer, 
before  we  tacked,  hoping  to  get  her  within  reach  of  our  Guns 
as  she  passed  us :  "We  accordingly  did  so,  but  had  not  the 
good  Fortune  to  bring  down  either  a  Mast  or  Sail  by  our  Fire. 

"We Stacked  immediately  after  her,  and  soon  afterwards  saw 
the  head-most  Eebel  Frigate  put  about,  and  pass  us  just  out 
of  Gun-shot  to  "Windward ;  she  appeared  a  very  fine  Ship  of 
34  Guns  and  had  Rebel  Colours  flying ;  one  of  the  Gentlemen 
on  the  Quarter  Deck  had  been  a  Prisoner  lately  at  Boston, 
and  knew  her  to  be  the  Hancock,  on  board  of  whom  Manley 
commanded,  who  is  the  second  in  Bank  in  the  Bebel  Army.* 

The  Ship  we  had  fired  upon,  out  sail'd  us  fast ;  and  soon 
after  our  tacking  kept  away  lasking ;  whilst  the  other  Frigate 
standing  as  we  did,  kept  her  Wind  ;  we  then  found  that  one 
of  the  three  must  unavoidably  escape,  if  they  steered  thus, 
different  Courses ;  Sir  George  therefore  judg'd  it  best  to  put 
about  after  the  Hancock,  who  appeared  the  largest  Ship,  the 
Bainbow,  passed  the  Flora  very  near,  who  continued  pursuing 
the  Ship  we  had  fired  upon. 

*  Intended  for  Navy. — Ed. 


NOTES.  69 

It  was  about  two  o'Clock  in  the  Afternoon  (of  Monday  the 
7th  of  July)  that  we  tack'd  after  Mr.  Manley,  who  seem'd  at 
first  rather  to  out-sail  the  Eainhow,  but  we  understood  after- 
wards that  to  endeavour  making  her  sail  better,  he  started  his 
Water  forward,  and  by  that  Means  put  her  out  of  Trim :  An 
Hour  before  the  close  of  Day,  he  altered  his  Course,  and  kept 
away  large,  we  however  got  so  near  to  him  before  Dark,  as 
enabled  us  (by  Means  of  a  Night  Glass)  to  keep  Sight  of  him 
all  Night : — At  Dawn  of  Day  she  was  not  much  more  than  a 
Mile  ahead  of  us,  soon  after  which  we  saw  a  small  Sail  to  Lee- 
ward, which  we  found  to  be  the  Victor  Brig,  who  as  we 
pass'd  fired  into  the  Eebel  Frigate  and  killed  one  of  the  Men 
at  the  Wheel,  but  was  not  able  for  bad  sailing  to  keep  up  or 
come  near  any  more.  About  four  in  the  Morning  we  began 
firing  the  Bow  Cbace  upon  her,  with  occasioned  Broadsides 
loaded  with  round  and  Grape,  as  we  could  bring  them  to  bear, 
some  of  which  struck  her  Masts  and  Sails.  At  half  past  eight 
we  were  so  near  as  to  hail  her,  and  acquaint  them  that  if  they 
expected  Quarters,  they  must  strike  immediately ;  Manley 
took  a  few  Minutes  to  consider,  and  a  fresher  Breeze  just  then 
springing  up,  he  availed  himself  of  it,  by  attempting  to  set 
some  of  the  steering  sails  on  the  other  side,  we  therefore  poured 
a  Number  of  Shot  into  him  which  brought  him  to  the  ex- 
pected Determination,  and  he  struck  the  Eebel  Colours  a  little 
before  9  o'Clock  in  the  Morning,  after  a  Chace  of  upwards  of 
30  Hours. 
We  immediately  took  Possession  of  her,  and  sent  Part  of  the 


TO  NOTES. 

Prisoners  on  board  the  Rainbow  ;  she  prov'd  to  be  the  Han- 
cock of  34  Guns,  12  Pounders,  and  had  upwards  of  229  Men 
on  board ;  she  is  a  very  capital  and  large  Frigate,  is  quite  new 
of  the  Stocks,  and  tho'  from  her  Foulness  and  their  Mismanage- 
ment we  came  up  with  her,  yet  we  are  informed  that  she  is 
one  of  the  fastest  sailing  Ships  ever  built. 

The  Prisoners  inform'd  us  that  the  Ship  the  Flora  was  in 
Chase  of,  was  his  Majesty's  Ship  the  Fox,  of  28  Guns,  which 
Manley  had  lately  taken  on  the  Banks  of  New  Foundland, 
after  a  close  and  very  warm  Action  of  two  Hours  ;  the  other 
Frigate  was  the  Boston,  of  30  Guns,  commanded  by  McNeill. . . 
Capt.  Fotheringham  of  the  Fox,  and  40  of  his  People  were  on 
board  the  Hancock,  but  his  Officers  and  some  other  of  the 
Men  were  on  board  the  Boston  Frigate,  and  the  Remainder 
ashore  at  New  Foundland. 

After  exchanging  the  Prisoners  we  found  it  necessary  from 
their  Number  being  almost  as  many  as  our  own  Ship's  Com- 
pany, to  return  to  this  Port. 

Manley  seem'd  much  chagrin'd  at  his  not  having  engaged 
the  Painbow,  when  he  found  she  was  but  a  40  Gun  Ship,  as 
he  had  all  along  mistaken  her  for  the  Raisonable,  whom  he 
knew  was  very  lately  at  Louisbourg. 


~We  hear  the  Prize  Sloop  which  the  Rebel  Fleet  set  Fire  to 
when  chac'd  by  the  Rainbow,  was  calTd  the  Brittania,  and 
laden  with  coals  from  Louisbourg  for  Halifax,  Hinxman,  Master." 
Gaine,  Mon  :  Aug:  I,  1777.    No.  1345. 


NOTES.  71 

"  New- York,  August  4. 

Wednesday  last  the  Syren  Frigate  arrived  here  from 
Halifax,  and  has  brought  Capt.  Fotheringham  of  the  Fox,  and 
about  40  of  his  Seamen,  with  Captain  Manley  and  his  first 
Lieut,  the  latter  commanded  the  Fox  when  taken  by  the 
Flora.     We  hear  Mr.  Manley  is  on  board  the  St.  Albans. 

A  letter  from  Halifax,  dated  the  13th  of  July,  says, 
"  The  public  Prints  will  inform  you  of  the  retaking  of  the 
Fox  Frigate,  by  the  Flora,  Capt.  Brisbane,  as  also  the  taking 
of  the  Hancock,  Manley,  by  the  Eainbow." 

Gaine,  Mon  :  Aug  :  4,  1777.     No.  1345. 
"  Bostox,  April  23. 

Last  Tuesday  arrived  in  town  from  New-York,  where 

he  has  long  been  held  a  prisoner,  the  brave  John  Manley  Esq. 

late  Commander  of  the  Continental  Frigate  Hancock." 

Holt's  N.  Y.  Journal,  Mon.  May  19,  1778. 
See  also 

Compilation  by  G.  S.  Ranier  from  Official  Papers, 

Brit.  Naval  Chronicle,   Vol:  32,  pp.  2C6-400. 

"■Detail  of  Particular  Services,  fyc."  pub:   by 

Ithiel  Town,  N.  Y.,  1835. 
Allen's  Battles  British  Navy,  vol.  i.  pp  :  242-244. 

(a)  Halifax,  the  capital  of  Nova  Scotia,  was  settled  in 
174S.  It  was  originally  called  Chebucto,  and  received  the 
name  of  Halifax,  in  honor  of  Lord  Halifax,  a  member  of  the 
British  ministry.  The  city  is  on  the  west  side  of  Halifax 
harbor,  and  on  the  declivity  of  a  commanding  hill.  Its 
appearance  in  1760  is  thus  described  by  Alex.  Grant,   in  a 


72  NOTES. 

letter  to  Rev.  Dr.  Stiles,  dated  Halifax,  May,  1760,  (see  Mass. 
Hist.  Collec.,  1st  series,  vol.  x.,  p.  79.)  "  This  place  is  divided 
into  three  towns — Halifax,  Irishtown,  and  Dntchtown.  The 
whole  may  contain  about  1,000  houses,  great  and  small,  many 
of  which  are  employed  as  barracks,  hospitals  for  the  army 
and  navy,  and  other  publick  uses.  The  inhabitants  may  be 
about  three  thousand,  one-third  of  which  are  Irish,  and  many 
of  them  Roman  Catholicks ;  and  about  one-fourth  Germans 
and  Dutch,  the  most  industrious  and  useful  settlers  among  us ; 
and  the  rest  English,  with  a  very  small  number  of  Scotch. 
We  have  upwards  of  one  hundred  licenced  houses,  and  perhaps 
as  many  more  which  retail  spirituous  liquors  without  licence ; 
so  that  the  business  of  one-half  of  the  town  is  to  sell  rum,  and 
of  the  other  half  to  drink  it.'' 

The  city,  at  the  present  day,  is  about  two  miles  in  lengtb,  is 
well  laid  out  in  oblong  squares,  the  streets  parallel,  and  at 
right  angles.  Many  of  the  houses  are  of  wood,  plastered  and 
stuccoed,  but  many  also  are  handsomely  built  of  stone. 
The  public  buildings  are  substantial  structures.  The  popu- 
lation in  1852  was  26,000,  and  the  total  value  of  exports 
$2,846,917. 

Queen's  Slip,  formerly  called  Governor's  Slip,  is  on  the  east 
side  of  the  city,  near  the  centre  of  the  original  town.  Here 
the  Governors,  on  their  arrival  from  Europe,  usually  landed. 
They  were  here  received  by  the  Council,  etc.,  and  were  thence 
escorted  to  the  Council  Chamber,  to  be  publicly  sworn  into 
office.     Hence  arose  its  name  ':  Governor's  Slip." 


NOTES.  73 

(10)  Through  the  courtesy  of  M.  M.  Jackson,  Esq.,  U.  S.  Consul  at 
Halifax,  the  following  particulars,  furnished  by  Beamish  Murdoch,  Esq., 
the  Historian  of  Xova  Scotia,  have  been  placed  at  our  command  : 

"  On  the  west  or  upper  side  of  Hollis  street,  not  far  from 
the  Halifax  Hotel,  there  is  an  old  wooden  huilding,  now  in 
ruins,  which  is  known  as  the  Old  Jail"  in  which  Ethan  Allen, 
Hon.  Jas.  Lovell  and  others  are  said  to  have  been  confined, 
and  which  is  thought  to  have  been  the  building  alluded  to  in 
the  text.  "  This  building,  as  originally  built,  was  a  long,  one- 
story  house,  with  a  sharp  pitched  roof,  running  perhaps 
50  to  GO  feet  in  length  from  the  street  to  the  end  of  the  lot. 
It  stood  on  a  rough  kind  of  stone  wall  which  elevated  it  a  few 
feet,  (perhaps  six  feet)  above  the  ground,  and  steps  were 
attached  to  the  building  outside,  not  on  the  street,  but  within 
the  enclosure.  It  was  used  as  a  prison  not  only  during  the 
Revolution  but  also  in  1T8G.  About  150  yards  from  the  Jail, 
stood  in  the  last  century,  a  brick  building  built  by  Malachi 
Salter,  which  was  at  one  time  used  as  a  Sugar  House.  It  was 
situated  at  the  corner  of  Salter  and  Pleasant  streets.  It  is  not 
known  to  have  been  used  as  a  prison." 

The  following  notices  of  the  "  Old  Jail"  we  take  from 
the  papers  of  the  day  : 
"  Bostox,  September  1. 

Our  American  Prisoners  (to  the  XumberofSl)  are  confined 
in  the  Common  Gaol  of  Halifax  (a  lousy,  filthy,  unwholesome  Place) 
and  are  treated  in  the  most  inhuman  and  barbarous  Manner  possible, 
having  nothing  to  live  upon  but  salt  Provisions  (and  that  very  scanty) 


74  NOTES. 

thrown  in  among  Negroes,  Robbers,  &c,  and  are  told,  tliey  know  no 

distinction." 

iV.  Hampshire  Gazette,  Sat.,  Aug.  3,  177G. 

"  Salem,  Jan.  10. 

Since  our  last  a  cartel  arrived  from  Halifax  with  upwards  of 

100  prisoners,  many  of  them  in  a  very  emaciated,  sickly  condition. 

Five  of  the  number  which  came  out,  died  on  the  passage." 

Pennsylvania  Packet,  Thurs.,  Feb.  7,  1782. 

(n)  The  Boston  was  one  of  the  13  vessels  authorized  to  be 
built  by  resolution  of  Congress  of  Dec.  13,  1775,  and  was  one 
of  the  two  frigates  which  were  ordered  by  that  resolve  to  be 
constructed  in  Massachusetts.  She  mounted  24  guns,  and  was 
launched  at  or  near  Boston  in  1776.  She  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  Capt.  Hector  McNeil,  and  soon  after  sailed 
on  a  cruise.  She  was  in  company  with  the  Hancock  in  June, 
1777,  when  the  Fox  frigate  was  taken,  and  also  at  the  time 
when  the  Rainbow  was  first  discovered,  but  made  her  escape 
without  affording  her  comrade  any  assistance.  After  her 
return  to  port,  she  Avas  placed  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Samuel  Tucker,  and  continued  under  his  orders  as  long  as  she 
remained  in  the  American  service.  In  the  early  part  of  1778 
she  carried  John  Adams  to  France,  he  having  been  appointed 
a  commissioner  in  place  of  Silas  Deane,  who  had  been  recalled. 
On  her  way  she  captured  three  very  valuable  prizes,  one  of 
which,  the  Martha,  was  laden  with  bale  goods  to  the  amount, 
as  was  supposed,  of  £80,000.  As  Mr.  Adams  was  upon  urgent 
business,  the  Boston  was  not  able  to  remain  with  her  prize, 


NOTES.  75 

and  it  was  subsequently  retaken  by  the  Rainbow.  The  Boston 
on  her  voyage  made  several  narrow  escapes  from  destruc- 
tion. Among  other  dangers,  she  was  struck  by  lightning, 
which  shattered  her  mast  and  came  very  nigh  blowing  her  up, 
the  fire  when  extinguished  having  nearly  reached  the  maga- 
zine of  powder.  She  reached  Bordeaux,  however,  on  the  1st 
April,  in  safety,  and  in  consequence  of  the  treaties  of  commerce 
and  alliance  having  been  signed  before  the  arrival  of  Mr- 
Adams,  that  gentleman  soon  returned  in  her  to  America.  On 
the  9th  Aug.,  1779,  the  Boston,  in  company  with  the  ship 
Deane,  Capt.  Samuel  Nicholson,  captured  off  the  capes  of 
Virginia,  the  ship  Glencairn,  from  Glasgow,  of  20  guns  and 
30  men ;  on  the  12th  took  the  Sandwich  packet  from  New 
York,  bound  to  Falmouth,  Eng.,  of  16  guns  and  60  men ;  on 
the  23d  made  a  prize  of  the  brigantine  Venture,  from  Madeira, 
of  2  guns  and  20  men ;  and  on  the  24th  captured  the  Thorn, 
of  18  guns,  but  mounting  only  14,  and  having  a  crew  of  135 
men.  During  the  latter  part  of  1779  and  the  tore  part  of  1780, 
the  Boston  formed  one  of  the  squadron  of  Commodore  Abra- 
ham "Whipple,  that  cruised  along  the  Southern  coast,  capturing 
a  number  of  merchant  vessels.  "While  thus  employed,  she, 
with  other  American  ships,  on  the  appearance  of  the  British 
fleet,  put  into  Charleston,  S.  C,  for  safety,  and  on  the  surren- 
der of  the  city,  May  12,  1780,  she  was  one  of  the  vessels  that 
were  captured  by  the  enemy. 

Capt.  Hector  McXeil  was  appointed  by  Congress  to  the 
command  of  the  Boston  frigate,  -June  15,  1776.     He  was  with 


76  NOTES. 

Capt.  Manly  at  the  taking  of  the  Fox,  hut  when  the  Rainbow 
and  Flora  hove  in  view,  he  sought  his  own  safety  in  flight, 
rendering  his  companion  no  assistance  whatever.  A  court- 
martial  was  shortly  afterwards  held  upon  his  conduct,  when 
heing  found  guilty  of  cowardice,  he  was  dismissed  the  service 
forthwith. 

(12)  This  is  not  the  only  occasion  when  a  deceased  American 
prisoner  was  so  interred.  We  give  another  instance,  occurring  much 
nearer  home. 

"  On  the  4th  day  of  Feb.,  1841,  some  workmen,  while 
engaged  in  digging  away  an  embankment  in  Jackson  street, 
neat*  the  Navy  Yard,  accidentally  discovered  a  quantity  of 
human  bones,  among  which,  horrible  to  relate,  was  a  skeleton, 
having  a  pair  of  iron  manacles  still  upon  the  iDi'lsts." 

Thompson's  Hist,  of  Long  Island,  vol.  i.,  p.  244. 

(n)  The  GnEvnouxD  was  registered  as  a  sixth-rate,  carried 
24  guns,  and  was  built  about  the  year  1775,  as  successor  to  a 
20-gun  ship  which  was  broken  up  about  that  time.  In  the 
year  1776,  our  vessel  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Capt. 
Archibald  Dickson,  and  ordered  to  North  America.  She  pro- 
ceeded to  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  where  she  took  General  Howe 
on  board  as  a  passenger,  and  then  sailed  for  New  York, 
arriving  at  Sandy  Hook  on  the  25th  day  of  June.  In  the 
month  of  August  following,  she  co-operated  with  the  British 
army  in  the  reduction  of  New  York,   and  was   one  of  tbe 


NOTES.  i  j 

frigates  stationed  in  Gravesend  Bay  on  the  22d  of  that  month, 
to  cover  the  landing  of  the  troops.  In  1779  she  was  one  of 
the  squadron  of  Sir  George  Collier,  and  in  the  month  of  August, 
assisted  in  the  signal  destruction  of  the  American  squadron, 
under  Commodore  Saltonstal,  in  Penobscot  Bay,  soon  after 
which  she  returned  to  England  with  despatches.  In  the  latter 
part  of  the  year  she  composed  one  of  the  fleet  of  Sir  George 
B.  Eodney,  in  the  West  Indies,  at  which  time  she  was  under 
the  orders  of  Capt.  William  Fookes,  who  was  succeeded  in 
command  of  her  by  Capt.  William  Fox.  Under  the  latter 
officer  the  Greyhound  was  lost  upon  the  South  Sand  Bead  in 
the  year  1781.  Her  crew  were  saved.  She  was  succeeded  in 
the  service  by  a  36-gun  frigate  of  the  same  name,  which  Ave 
find  building  at  Betts'  Yard,  in  Mistleytkorne,  in  the  year  1783. 

(i4)  Archibald  Dickson  was  made  lieut.,  Sept.  19,  1759; 
commander,  Jan.  10, 1771 ;  and  raised  to  rank  of  capt.  in  1773. 
In  1776  he  was  appointed  to  the  Greyhound  frigate,  and  con- 
tinued in  her  for  the  usual  period.  Be  carried  home  the 
particulars  of  the  destruction  of  the  American  fleet  in  Penob- 
scot Bay,  and  was  presented  by  the  British  Admiralty  with 
£500  for  the  intelligence  he  brought.  In  1782  he  commanded 
the  Dublin,  of  7-1  guns  ;  in  1787  the  Goliah,  of  the  same  force, 
then  employed  as  a  guard-ship ;  and  in  1793  the  Egmont,  also 
of  74  guns.  He  was  made  rear-admiral  of  the  white  in  1794, 
vice-admiral  of  the  blue  in  1795,  admiral  of  the  blue  in  1801, 
and  April  13,  1802,  was  created  a  baronet.     He  died  in  the 


78  NOTES. 

spring  of  1805.     Sir  Archibald  Dickson,  Bt.,  was  the  brother 
of  William  Dickson,  admiral  of  the  blue,  -who  died  in  1803. 

(is)  The  Vulture  was  a  British  sloop-of-war,  caiTjing 
14  guns,  and  was  built  about  the  year  1776.  She  was  placed 
under  the  orders  of  James  Feattus,  and  formed  one  of  the 
fleet  of  Vice-admiral  Lord  Howe.  She  continued  under  Feattus 
until  1779,  when  Andrew  Sutherland  was  appointed  to  com- 
mand her.  In  the  summer  of  this  year  she  formed  one  of  the 
squadron  of  Sir  George  Collier  that,  in  conjunction  with  a  land 
force  under  Gen.  Vaughan,  captured  Stony  Point  and  Ver- 
planck's  Point,  on  the  Hudson.  In  the  month  of  September 
of  the  following  year,  she  conveyed  Major  Andre  up  the  North 
Pviver  to  hold  the  interview  with  Arnold,  and  was  the  vessel  in 
which  that  arch  traitor  made  his  escape  to  the  British  lines. 
In  1782  she  was  at  Jamaica,  and  was  commanded  by  "Walter 
Griffith,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  following  she  was 
at  Portsmouth.  In  1793  she  was  reported  as  a  hulk,  and  she 
appears  to  have  been  broken  up  or  otherwise  disposed  of 
shortly  afterwards. 

James  Feattus  was  made  lieut.,  1757,  and  promoted  to 
commander,  July  7,  1761.  In  1775  he  commanded  the  sloop 
Speedwell,  and  in  1776  was  appointed  to  the  Vulture.  He 
died  about  the  year  1785. 

(ic)  JonN  Btkox,  second  son  of  William,  the  fourth  Lord 
Byron  by  Frances,  his  third  wife,  2d  daughter  of  William  Lord 


KOTES.  79 

Berkeley,  of  Stratton,  was  born  Nov.  8,  1723.  lie  served  as 
a  midshipman  under  Commodore  Anson  on  Lis  voyage  round 
the  world,  and  had  the  misfortune  to  he  cast  away  in  the 
Wager,  on  a  desolate  island,  off  the  coast  of  Chili,  where  he 
suffered  great  hardships,  an  affecting  account  of  which  will  be 
found  in  his  "  Narrative,"  to  which  we  refer  the  reader.  On 
the  30th  Dec,  1746,  he  was  made  post-captain,  and  appointed 
to  the  Syren  frigate.  In  1753  he  commanded  the  Augusta,  of 
GO  guns,  and  in  1757  the  America,  of  the  same  force.  In  the 
spring  of  1760  he  commanded  the  Fame,  of  74  guns,  and  was 
employed  in  the  squadron  which  co-operated  with  the  army  at 
the  conquest  of  Canada,  where  he  rendered  important  service. 
In  1764  he  made  a  voyage  to  the  South  Sea,  and  on  the  3d 
June,  1769,  was  appointed  Governor  of  Newfoundland.  In 
March,  1775,  he  was  made  Eear-ad.  of  the  blue,  and  in  May, 
1777,  Eear  of  the  white.  In  Jan.,  1778,  he  was  made  Vice-ad. 
of  the  blue,  and  was  soon  after  appointed  to  the  command  of 
a  large  squadron,  and  ordered  to  North  America.  He  sailed 
on  the  9th  of  June,  and  on  the  3d  of  July,  a  violent  gale  of 
wind  arose,  which  dispersed  his  squadron,  Admiral  Byron, 
with  his  flag  on  board  the  Princess  Eoyal,  arriving  alone  off 
Sandy  Hook  on  the  18th  of  August.  He  thence  sailed  for 
Halifax,  where  he  found  one  of  his  squadron  that  had  arrived 
before  him.  The  remaining  ships  came  in  one  by  one,  with 
sickly  crews  and  damaged  rigging.  He  was  thence  ordered  to 
the  West  Indies,  and  his  action  there  with  D'Estaing,  July  0, 
1779,  though  undecisive,  was  honorable  to  the  British  fleet. 


80  NOTES. 

Soon  after  this  event  he  returned  to  England  and  struck  his 
flag.  He  was  raised  to  Vice-ad.  of  the  white,  Sept.  G,  1780, 
and  died  in  London,  April  10,  1786,  in  his  G3d  year.  Though 
a  gallant,  zealous  and  accomplished  officer,  he  was  extremely 
unfortunate,  having  always  the  elements  to  contend  with 
instead  of  the  enemy.  Admiral  Byron  had  a  family  of  2  sons 
and  7  daughters,  hy  Sarah,  daughter  of  John  Trevannion,  Esq., 
of  Cartrays,  Cornwall,  whom  he  married  in  1748.  Capt. 
Byron,  one  of  his  sons,  was  father  to  the  celehrated  poet. 

(!7)  The  Ppjncess  Royal  was  registered  as  a  2d  rate,  car- 
ried 98  guns,  and  was  built  at  Portsmouth  in  1773.  Her 
length  of  gun-deck  was  177  ft.  G  in.,  of  keel,  145  ft.  5  in., 
breadth,  50  ft.  6  in.,  depth  in  hold,  21  ft.,  tons,  1,973.  In  1777, 
on  the  prospect  of  a  rupture  with  France,  Capt.  Mark  Milbank 
was  appointed  to  command  her  ;  in  May  Vice-admiral  Byron 
hoisted  his  flag  on  hoard,  and  on  the  5  th  of  June  of  the  follow- 
ing year,  she  sailed  in  a  strong  squadron  for  America.  In 
1779  she  was  commanded  hy  Capt.  William  Blair,  and  on  the 
Gth  of  July  was  in  the  action  off  Grenada  with  the  French 
fleet,  under  D'Estaing,  when  she  had  3  of  her  crew  killed  and 
G  wounded.  She  returned  home  soon  after.  In  Dec.  she  bore 
the  flag  of  Rear-ad.  Hyde  Parker,  and  in  the  following  year 
composed  one  of  the  fleet  of  Sir  George  Rodney,  in  the  actions 
with  the  French  fleet,  under  Comte  de  Guichen.  In  1781  she 
was  stationed  at  Jamaica,  and  she  returned  home  in  November. 
In  1782  she  was  under  the  orders  of  Jonathan  Faulkner,  and 


NOTES.  81 

in  Sept.  following,  sailed  in  the  fleet  of  Lord  Howe  to  the 
relief  of  Gibraltar.  In  the  action  Avith  the  French  and  Spanish 
fleets  off  Cape  Spartel,  on  the  20th  Oct.,  she  had  a  crew  of  750 
men,  and  occupied  the  1st  or  starboard  division  in  the  centre 
squadron  in  line  of  battle,  which  was  under  the  immediate 
orders  of  the  commander-in-chief.  In  Jan.,  1783,  she  was  at 
Portsmouth,  composing  one  of  the  fleet  on  that  station,  under 
Sir  Thomas  Pye,  Admiral  of  the  white.  In  1700,  on  a  rupture 
with  Spain  being  apprehended,  Sir  William  Uotham  hoisted 
his  flag  on  board  her  as  commander  of  the  rear  division  of  the 
Channel  fleet,  but  the  dispute  being  accommodated,  the  fleet 
was  dismantled,  and  Admiral  Ilotham  struck  his  flag.  In 
1793  she  was  one  of  the  squadron  of  Vice-admiral  Cosby;  in 
the  following  year  was  under  the  orders  of  John  Child  Purvis, 
and  formed  one  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet,  under  Lord  Hood. 
In  1795  Rear-ad.  Goodall  had  his  flag  on  board  her,  and  she 
bore  a  part  in  the  engagements  with  the  French,  March  14 
and  July  13th,  occupying,  in  the  first  engagement,  the  star- 
board division  in  the  van  squadron,  and  having  a  crew  of  7G0 
men,  of  which  3  were  killed  and  8  wounded.  In  1796,  being 
then  still  under  Capt.  Purvis,  she  bore  the  flag  of  Vice-ad. 
Robert  Linzee,  who  was  commander  of  a  squadron  in  the 
Mediterranean,  under  Sir  John  Jervis,  Admiral  of  the  blue.  In 
the  following  year  she  was  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  John 
Draper,  and  was  the  flag-ship  of  Sir  John  Orde,  Eear-adiniral 
of  the  white.  In  1799  Capt.  J.  "W.  T.  Dickson  was  in  com- 
mand of  her,  at  which  time  she  bore  the  flag  of  Pear-ad. 


82  NOTES. 

Thomas  L.  Frederick,  and  in  July  she  returned  home  and 
went  into  repair.  After  coming  out  of  dock,  Thomas  M.  Rus- 
sel  was  appointed  to  her,  and  in  1800  she  was  one  of  the  fleet 
of  Admiral  Lord  Bridport,  employed  on  home  service.  In 
1801  she  was  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  D.  Atkins,  and  was 
the  flag-ship  of  Sir  Erasmus  Gower,  who  held  a  command  in 
the  Channel  fleet ;  in  1803  she  was  under  Capt.  James  Vashon, 
and  in  the  year  after  was  refitting  at  Chatham.  In  180G  she 
was  commanded  by  Capt.  R.  C.  Reynolds,  and  she  appears  to 
have  been  broken  up  or  otherwise  disposed  of  about  the 
year  1810. 

Makk  Milbank,  said  by  some  to  have  commanded  this  ship 
at  this  time,  was  the  3d  son  of  Ralph  Milbank,  Bt.,  of  Halnaby, 
York  Co.,  and  was  born  about  1721.  He  was  made  com- 
mander Sept.  13,  1746,  and  capt.,  May  21,  1748.  He  was 
advanced  to  Rear-admiral  of  the  white,  March  19, 1770,  to  Vice 
of  the  blue,  Sept.,  2G,  1780,  and  in  1793  became  a  full  admiral. 
He  died  on  the  10th  June,  1805,  from  a  fall  over  the  stair- 
case of  his  house,  in  the  84th  year  of  his  age. 

(is)  Sir  RicnARD  IIuonES  was  the  son*  of  Sir  Richard 
Hughes,  for  many  years  commissioner  of  the  Dock-yard  at 
Portsmouth,  and  was  born  in  Deptford,  Kent  Co.,  Eng.,  in 
1729.  When  yet  a  boy,  he  went  to  sea  as  a  midshipman,  Avith 
his  father,  and  in  1741  served  in  the  Mediterranean,  under 
Admiral  Matthews.     So  young  was  he  at  this  time,  that  he 


NOTES.  83 

was  under  the  necessity  of  shaving  his  head  and  wearing  a 
whig  to  obtain  a  manly  appearance.  In  17-45  he  was  made  a 
lieut.,  and  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain,  Xov.  10, 1756. 
He  subsequently  commanded  the  Fox  and  Thames  frigates, 
and  in  1768  was  appointed  to  the  Firm,  of  60  guns,  then  a 
guard-ship  at  Plymouth.  After  quitting  this  ship,  he  was  made 
eapt.  of  the  "Worcester,  of  64  guns,  and  in  1777  moved  into  the 
Centaur,  a  74,  then  employed  on  the  home  station.  He  was 
afterwards  appointed  Lieut.  Governor  of  Nova  Scotia  and  com- 
missioner of  the  Dock-yard  at  Halifax.  This  station  he  filled 
until  his  promotion  to  Eear-ad.  of  the  blue,  Sept.  26,  1780, 
about  which  time  he  succeeded,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  to 
the  title  of  baronet.  During  his  stay  at  Halifax,  he  caused 
the  woods  to  be  inspected  and  surveyed,  obtained  masts,  spars 
and  other  naval  stores  for  the  government  dock- yards,  on  the 
most  advantageous  terms,  and  his  conduct  otherwise  was  so 
meritorious,  that  on  his  return  home  he  was  honored  by  the 
king  with  a  private  audience,  and  received  his  Majesty's 
thanks.  He  became  Yice-ad.  of  the  blue  in  1790,  and  on  the 
14th  Feb.,  1799,  was  raised  to  Admiral  of  the  white.  He  died 
on  the  5th  day  of  January,  1812.  Sir  Richard  was  an  active 
and  gallant  officer,  and  in  private  life  possessed  all  the  qualities 
of  a  well-bred  gentleman.  He  had  a  taste  for  the  belles  lettres, 
and  possessed  also  considerable  poetical  talent.  His  wife, 
to  whom  he  was  united  about  1760,  was  the  grand-niece  of  the 
celebrated  Sir  Hans  Sloane,  and  daughter  of  Hans  Sloane,  Esq., 
M.P.,  a  wealthy  and  respectable  Commoner. 


84  NOTES. 

(is)  The  Hazard  was  a  British  sloop-of-war,  mounting  8 
guns,  and  appears  to  have  heen  built  about  1763.  In  1767 
she  was  under  the  orders  of  Denis  Every,  and  was  in  the 
fleet  of  Yice-admiral  Holburne,  on  home  service.  In  1769  she 
was  commanded  by  Thos.  Premble,  and  was  at  Sheerness,  and 
in  1770  was  under  the  orders  of  James  Orrock,  who  was  suc- 
ceeded in  command  of  her  by  John  Ford.  In  1778  and  the 
year  following,  she  was  commanded  by  Alex.  Agnew,  in  1780 
by  G.  A.  Pulteney,  and  in  the  year  following  by  I.  Pellew. 
She  appears  to  have  been  removed  from  service  soon  after- 
wards. 

Alexander  Agsew  was  made  lieut.,  Aug.  7,  1761,  and 
raised  to  commander,  Xov.  20,  1771.  In  1779  he  commanded 
the  Hazard  sloop,  and  in  1781  Avas  in  command  of  the  sloop 
Fury  of  16  guns.  He  appears  to  have  died  or  retired  from  the 
service  about  1782. 

(20)  The  French  fleet,  under  M.  D'Orvilliers,  consisting  of 
28  sail  of  the  line  and  several  frigates,  sailed  from  Brest, 
June  4,  1779,  for  Cadiz,  where  it  formed  a  junction  with  the 
Spanish  fleet.  The  combined  fleet,  consisting  of  66  sail  of  the 
line,  on  the  loth  Aug.  following,  escaping  the  notice  of  the 
English  fleet,  under  Sir  Charles  Hardy,  then  cruising  in  the 
soundings,  sailed  up  the  English  Channel,  and  paraded  for  three 
days  before  Plymouth,  insulting  the  English  coast,  capturing 
several  coasting  vessels,  and  bidding  defiance  to  the  whole 


NOTES.  S5 

navy.     This  circumstance  greatly  tarnished  the  naval  charac- 
ter of  England. 

(-1)  The  Prixcess  Amelia  was  registered  as  a  3d  rate, 
carried  80  guns,  and  was  built  in  1757.  In  the  year  following 
she  was  commanded  by  Capt.  John  Bray,  and  composed  one 
of  the  fleet,  under  Admiral  Boscawen,  at  the  reduction  of 
Lewishourg  and  Quebec.  In  Sept.,  1759,  she  was  under  the 
orders  of  Stephen  Colby,  was  the  flag- ship  of  Thomas  Brode- 
rick,  Eear-ad.  of  the  white,  and  formed  one  of  the  fleet  of  Sir 
Edward  Hawke  that  was  fitted  out  against  Eochfort,  and  the 
following  year  she  was  under  Capt.  James  ilontague,  in  Admi- 
ral Boscawen's  fleet  in  Quiberon  Bay.  In  the  spring  of  1761 
she  was  in  the  squadron  of  Capt.  Matthew  Buckle,  stationed 
off  Brest,  to  prevent  supplies  being  sent  to  Belle  Isle,  and  the 
year  after  she  was  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  Viscount  Howe, 
was  the  flag-ship  of  the  Duke  of  York,  and  composed  one  of 
the  fleet  sent  in  quest  of  M.  de  Ternay,  and  subsequently  one 
of  the  fleet  of  Sir  Charles  IJardy,  that  made  a  cruise  in  the 
bay.  In  1763  she  was  under  Capt.  E.  A.  Tyrrell,  and  in  1766 
was  at  Portsmouth.  "We  find  her  on  that  station  until  1772, 
when  she  was  commanded  by  Capt.  Samuel  Marshall,  was  the 
flag-ship  of  Vice-ad.  Geo.  B.  Eodney,  and  stationed  at  Jamaica. 
In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  she  returned  home,  and  was  laid 
up  at  Portsmouth.  On  the  approach  of  a  rapture  with 
France,  which  took  place  in  1778,  Capt.  Digby  Dent  was 
appointed  to  her,  and  she  formed  one  of  the  fleet  then  fitting 


86  NOTES. 

for  sea  at  Portsmouth,  at  which  time  Sir  Thomas  Pye  had  his 
flag  on  hoard.  In  1780  she  was  commanded  by  Capt.  John 
McCartney,  and  was  one  of  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Geary,  then 
cruising  in  the  Soundings,  and  the  year  after,  she  was  the  flag- 
ship of  Sir  Hyde  Parker,  and  bore  a  part  in  the  action  with 
the  Dutch  fleet,  under  Rear-ad.  Zoutman,  off  the  Dogger  Bank, 
Aug.  5.  In  this  engagement,  Capt.  McCartney  and  a  gunner 
were  killed  and  three  lieuts.  wounded.  After  the  death  of 
McCartney,  the  command  of  the  ship  was  given  to  John 
McBride,  and  she  returned  home  soon  after  the  battle.  In 
June,  1782,  being  then  under  the  orders  of  Billy  Douglas,  she 
formed  one  of  the  squadron  of  Lord  Howe,  cruising  in  the 
North  Sea,  and  in  July  she  was  cruising  with  Howe  in  the 
Soundings.  In  October  she  was  commanded  by  Capt.  John 
Eeynolds,  was  the  flag- ship  of  Sir  Richard  Hughes,  and  was 
one  of  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Lord  Howe,  that  sailed  to  the 
relief  of  Gibraltar,  and  had  a  partial  action  off  Cape  Spartel 
with  the  French  and  Spanish  fleets.  On  this  occasion  she  was 
in  the  2d  or  starboard  division  in  the  rear  squadron,  and  of  a 
crew  of  715  men,  had  4  killed  and  5  wounded.  She  was  sub- 
sequently on  duty  in  the  West  Indies,  under  John  "W.  Payne, 
and  the  year  after  returned  to  England.  She  came  to  anchor 
at  Chatham,  where  she  was  turned  into  a  church  ship.  She 
was  used  in  that  capacity  until  about  1788,  shortly  after  which 
she  was  broken  up.  Her  place  was  supplied  by  a  74-gun  ship 
of  the  same  name,  which  in  1800  was  building  in  the  king's 
yard  at  Chatham. 


NOTES.  87 

Digbt  Dent  was  the  son  of  Capt.  Cotton  Dent,  who  died  in 
1701,  one  of  the  captains  of  Greenwich  Hospital.  The  subject 
of  our  notice  was  made  capt.,  July  7,  1758.  In  1778,  being 
then  capt.  of  the  Princess  Amelia,  he  received  the  honor  of 
knighthood  at  the  time  the  king  reviewed  the  fleet  at  Ports- 
mouth. On  the  24th  Sept.,  1787,  he  was  advanced  to  the 
rank  of  Eear-admiral,  and  placed  upon  the  superannuated  list, 
lie  died,  ISTov.  15,  1798,  leaving  his  widow  and  eight  children 
hi  very  distressed  circumstances. 

(2;)  The  Britannia  was  a  British  ship  of  the  line,  registered 
as  a  1st  rate,  carrying  100  guns,  and  was  built  at  Portsmouth, 
Eng.,  in  1762,  to  take  the  place  of  another  ship  of  the  same 
name  and  force,  which  was  about  that  time  abandoned.  The 
dimensions  of  our  vessel  were  as  follows  :  length  of  gun-deck, 
178  feet;  keel,  145  feet  2  in.;  breadth,  52  ft.  %  in. ;  depth  in 
hold,  21  ft.  6  in.;  tons,  2,091.  After  being  stationed  at  Ports- 
mouth for  several  years,  in  the  latter  part  of  1778,  Capt.  John 
Moutray  was  appointed  to  her,  she  being  intended  as  a  flag- 
ship. At  the  close  of  the  following  year,  we  find  her  under 
the  command  of  Capt.  Charles  Morice  Pole,  and  the  flag-ship 
of  George  Darby,  Vice-ad.  of  the  white,  he  being  at  that  time 
the  second  in  command  of  the  Channel  fleet,  under  Sir  Charles 
Hardy.  In  1780  she  was  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  James 
Bradby,  and  was  the  flag-ship  of  the  fleet,  under  Vice-ad. 
Darby,  that  sailed  from  Spithead  on  the  14th  day  of  March, 
1781,  with  a  large  convoy  of  victuallers,  transports,  etc.,  to  the 


8S  NOTES. 

relief  of  Gibraltar.  In  December  she  was  tbe  flag-ship  of 
Richard  Kempenfelt,  Rear-ad.  of  the  white,  and  was  one  of  bis 
squadron  which  on  the  13th  of  that  month  intercepted  tbe 
French  West  India  convoy  that  had  sailed  from  Brest  under 
the  command  of  M.  de  Guichen.  In  July,  1782,  being  then 
under  tbe  orders  of  Capt.  Benjamin  Hill,  she  formed  one  of  the 
fleet  of  Admiral  Lord  Howe,  cruising  in  the  Soundings,  at 
which  time  Samuel  Barrington,  Vice-ad.  of  the  white,  had  his 
flag  on  board  her.  She  subsequently  accompanied  Lord  Howe 
to  intercept  the  Dutch  squadron,  and  was  afterwards  at  the 
relief  of  Gibraltar.  In  tbe  subsequent  encounter  which  took 
place  with  the  combined  fleets  of  France  and  Spain,  off  Cape 
Spartel,  Oct.  20th,  she  was  in  the  1st  or  starboard  division  in 
line  of  battle,  which  division  was  commanded  by  Yice-ad. 
Barrington,  whose  flag-ship  she  then  was.  In  this  engage- 
ment, she  had  20  of  her  crew  killed  and  wounded.  After  this 
she  returned  to  England,  and  was  put  out  of  commission.  On 
the  commencement  of  the  war  with  France,  in  1793,  she  was 
again  put  in  service,  being  then  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  John 
Ilolloway,  and  the  flag-ship  of  Yice-ad.  Lord  Hotham,  who 
was  appointed  the  second  in  command  of  the  Mediterranean 
fleet,  under  Lord  Hood.  On  the  return  of  the  latter  to  Eng- 
land in  Nov.,  1794,  the  command  of  the  squadron  became 
invested  in  Yice-ad.  Hotham,  who  was  employed  during  the 
winter  in  watching  the  enemy's  ports,  scouring  their  coasts, 
and  affording  protection  to  British  commerce,  and  in  the 
month  of  November,  of  the  following  year,  she  returned  home, 


NOTES.  89 

and  was  again  laid  up.  In  January,  179G,  Capt.  Shuldham 
Pearl  was  appointed  to  lier,  and  in  May  following  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Capt.  Thomas  Foley,  with  Vice-ad.  Sir  Hyde 
Parker's  flag.  In  April,  1797,  she  was  the  flag-ship  of  Charles 
Thomson,  Vice-ad.  of  the  blue,  and  was  doing  duty  in  the 
Mediterranean,  being  one  of  the  fleet  stationed  there,  under 
the  command  of  Sir  John  Jervis,  Admiral  of  the  blue.  In  the 
month  of  June,  Capt.  Edward  Marsh  was  appointed  to  com- 
mand her,  shortly  after  which  she  was  fitted  up  as  a  hospital- 
ship,  at  Portsmouth,  and  placed  under  the  orders  of  Lieut. 
Matthew  Connolly.  In  this  capacity  we  find  her  in  the  year 
1798  and  1799,  and  perhaps  for  several  years  later.  In  the 
year  1803,  on  the  commencement  of  hostilities,  having  been 
thoroughly  overhauled,  she  was  placed  under  the  command 
of  Earl  Korthesk,  and  proceeded  to  the  Channel,  where  she 
served  in  the  fleet  stationed  there  till  the  following  year,  when 
her  capt.,  being  promoted  Rear-ad.  of  the  white,  he  soon  after 
hoisted  his  flag  on  board  her,  and  continued  on  the  same 
service  till  August,  1805,  when  he  was  detached  with  a  squad- 
ron, under  Sir  Eobert  Calder,  to  reinforce  the  fleet  of  Admiral 
Collingwood,  off  Cadiz.  The  Britannia  was  subsequently  in 
the  engagement  off1  Trafalgar,  where  she  was  the  4th  ship  in 
the  lee  line  in  action,  and  in  a  short  space  of  time  completely 
dismantled  a  French  ship  of  80  guns.  She  afterwards,  singly, 
engaged  and  kept  at  bay  three  of  the  enemy's  van  ships,  that 
were  attempting  to  double  upon  the  Victory,  at  that  time 
warmly  engaged  with  two  of  the  enemy,  and  much  disabled. 


90  NOTES. 

On  this  occasion  the  loss  of  the  Britannia  was  52  killed  and 
wounded.  Soon  after  the  engagement,  the  Britannia  returned 
to  England,  and  was  not  again  put  into  commission.  She 
appears  to  have  been  broken  up  about  1813,  at  which  time  we 
find  building  at  Plymouth  a  120-gun  ship  of  the  same  name, 
the  successor  to  the  subject  of  our  notice. 

Charles  Morice  Pole  was  the  2d  son  of  Reginald  Pole,  Esq., 
of  Stroke  Damarell,  and  Avas  born  Jan.  18,  1757.  He  was 
made  lieut.  in  1773,  and  obtained  post-rank,  March  22,  1779. 
He  was  made  Bear-admiral  of  the  blue,  June  1,  1795,  Vice- 
admiral  in  1801,  and  knighted  about  the  same  time.  In  1805 
he  was  raised  to  Admiral  of  the  blue,  and  in  1818  received 
the  Grand  Cross  of  the  Bath.     He  died  about  the  year  1830. 

(as-)  Sir  TnoMAS  Pye  was  made  Capt.,  April  13,  1741.  In 
1745  he  was  one  of  the  members  of  the  court  martial  convened 
at  Port  Mahon  for  the  trial  of  Capt.  Richard  Norris.  In  1748 
he  was  appointed  to  the  Norwich,  in  the  following  year  to  the 
Ilumber,  and  in  the  year  after  was  one  of  the  members  of  the 
court  martial  held  for  the  trial  of  the  mutineers  on  board  the 
Chesterfield.  In  Feb.,  1752,  he  was  appointed  to  the  Advice, 
of  50  guns,  and  sent  to  the  West  Indies  as  Commodore  on  that 
station.  He  continued  there  until_l756,  when  he  was  super- 
seded by  Commodore  Frankland.  Charges  having  been  made 
against  him  by  Mr.  Frankland,  our  officer,  in  1758,  was  brought 
to  a  court  martial  at  Portsmouth,  when  he  was  reprimanded 


XOTES.  91 

for  misconduct.  In  July  following  lie  was  made  Rear-ad.  of 
the  blue;  in  1759,  Rear  of  the  white;  in  1760,  Rear  of  the 
red;  and  in  1762,  was  advanced  to  Yice-ad.  of  the  blue.  In 
1764  he  was  appointed  Port-adniiral  at  Plymouth,  and  after 
serving  some  time  in  that  position,  was  again  sent  to  the 
Leeward  Island  station,  where  he  remained  until  1770,  when 
he  returned  home.  On  the  28th  of  October  following,  he  was 
made  Yice-ad.  of  the  red,  and  early  the  succeeding  year  was 
sent  to  the  Mediterranean  as  commander  of  a  small  squadron. 
On  his  return  home  he  was  appointed  commander-in-chief  at 
Portsmouth.  On  the  25th  of  June,  1773,  when  the  king 
reviewed  the  fleet  and  dockyards  at  that  station,  our  officer 
received  the  honor  of  knighthood,  and  was  raised  to  the  rank 
of  Admiral  of  the  blue.  On  the  28th  of  Jan.,  1778,  he  was 
advanced  to  Admiral  of  the  white,  and  in  the  same  year  he 
acted  as  President  of  the  court  martial  held  at  Portsmouth  for 
the  trial  of  Admiral  Keppel.  In  1779  he  again  commanded  at 
Portsmouth,  and  in  1780  was  made  Lieut. -general  of  marines. 
He  died  at  Marylebone,  Feb.  23,  1785.  Admiral  Pye  was  one 
of  those  men  of  ordinary  capacity,  on  whom  fortune,  not 
merit,  often  bestows  the  highest  honors.  With  an  awkward 
figure,  and  an  address  by  no  means  pleasing,  he  was  fond  of 
show,  and  much  addicted  to  intrigue  ;  and  to  a  narrow  under- 
standing and  shallow  attainments,  he  united  an  inordinate 
degree  of  personal  vanity  and  supercilious  consequence.  It  is 
painful  to  see  one,  who  was  never  signalized  by  any  brilliant 
achievement,  rise  by  rapid  strides   to  naval  rank,  and  the 


92  NOTES. 

really  brave  and  worthy  tar  pine  away  in  anguish  and  despair, 
and  die  unnoticed  and  forgotten. 

(24)  The  Princess  Royal  Indiaraan  was  captured  by  the 
French  in  the  Straits  of  Sunda,  in  the  year  1793.  At  the  time 
of  her  capture,  she  was  under  the  command  of  J.  Horncastle. 

(25)  We  find  the  following  notices  of  two  of  these  ships  : 

"  The  Ceres,  Hawke,  and  other  East  India  ships,  arrived  at 
Crookhaven,  in  Ireland,  in  December,  1781." 

Gentlemen's  Magazine,  1781. 

"The  Hawke  sailed  for  Bengal  on  the  lGth  of  November, 
1783,  and  was  to  be  returned  from  thence  to  Bombay  with  a 
cargo  of  rice,  and  then  to  proceed  to  China." 

Gentlemen's  Magazine,  1783. 

Ge)  The  English  East  India  Company  was  incorporated  by 
Queen  Elizabeth  in  1600,  and  was  empowered  to  carry  on  an 
exclusive  trade  with  "  all  those  new  countries  to  the  eastward 
of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope."  About  the  year  1698,  application 
being  made  to  Parliament  by  private  merchants  for  laying  this 
trade  open,  an  act  was  passed  empowering  every  subject  of 
England,  upon  raising  a  sum  for  the  supply  of  government,  to 
trade  to  those  parts.  Upon  this,  a  great  many  persons  sub- 
scribed, and  the  association  thus  formed,  was  called  the  New 
East  India  Company.  The  old  company,  being  masters  of  all 
the  forts  on  the  coast  of  India,  the  New  Company  found  it 


NOTES.  93 

to  their  interest  to  unite  with  them,  which  they  did,  and  the 
trade  was  henceforth  carried  on  with  the  joint  stock,  under 
the  style  of  the  United  East  India  Company.  The  company 
was  formed  for  purely  commercial  purposes,  and  during  the 
first  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  its  existence,  retained  its  com- 
mercial character,  only  combining  with  it  so  much  of  warlike 
enterprise  and  precaution  as  was  necessary  to  secure  its  richly 
laden  ships  from  being  plundered  by  the  fleets  of  pirates  that 
infested  the  Indian  Seas,  and  its  factories  from  being  burnt  or 
pillaged  in  the  never-ending  wars  and  rebellions  among  the 
native  chiefs.  The  company,  however,  gradually  became  a 
corporation  of  conquerors,  and  then  assumed  all  the  functions 
of  the  government  of  an  immense  empire,  surrendering  gradu- 
ally the  operations  of  traffic  to  individual  merchants,  who 
traded  under  the  shelter  of  its  power.  The  discipline  prac- 
ticed on  board  the  East  India  ships  was  extremely  severe. 
The  charter  of  the  company  expired  within  a  few  years  past. 

(■21)  The  following  articles  we  take  from  the  newspapers  of  the  day: 
"  Londox,  August  5. 

♦  ^  *  ^  3fi  %  41 

"  As  every  Eebel,  who  is  taken  prisoner  has  incurred  the 
pain  of  death  by  the  law  martial,  it  is  said  that  government 
will  charter  several  transports,  after  their  arrival  at  Boston,  to 
carry  the  culprits  to  the  East  Indies  for  the  Company's  service, 
as  it  is  the  intention  of  government  only  to  punish  the  ring- 
leaders and  commanders  capitally,  and  to  suffer  the  inferior 


9J:  NOTES. 

Rebels  to  redeem  their  lives  by  entering  into  the  East  India 
Company's  service.  This  translation  will  only  render  them 
more  useful  subjects  than  in  their  native  country." 

*  *  *  *  *  *  * 

Holts'  N.  Y.  Journal,  Thurs.,  Oct.  19,  1775.     No.  1711. 

"  A  Letter  from  Benjamin  Franklin  and  Silas  Deane, 
Esquires,  to  Lord  Stoiimont,  the  English  Ambassador 

at  Paris. 

Paris,  April  2,  1777. 
Jly  Lord, — 

"We  did  ourselves  the  honor  of  writing  some  time 
since  to  your  Lordship  on  the  subject  of  exchanging  prisoners ; 
you  did  not  condescend  to  give  us  any  answer,  and  therefore 
we  expect  none  to  this  :  we  however  take  the  liberty  of  send- 
ing you  copies  of  certain  depositions  which  we  shall  transmit 
to  Congress,  whereby  it  will  be  known  to  your  Court,  that  the 
United  States  are  not  unacquainted  with  the  barbarous  treat- 
ment their  people  receive  when  they  have  the  misfortune  of 
being  your  prisoners  here  in  Europe  ;  and  that  if  your  conduct 
towards  us  is  not  altered,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  severe  repri- 
sals may  be  thought  justifiable,  from  the  necessity  of  putting 
some  check  to  such  abominable  practice. 

For  the  sake  of  humanity  it  is  to  be  wished  that  men  would 
endeavour  to  alleviate  as  much  as  possible  the  unavoidable 
miseries  attending  a  state  of  war.  It  has  been  said,  that 
among  the  civilized  nations  of  Europe  the  ancient  horrors  of 
that  state  are  much  diminished ;  but  the  compelling  men  by 
chains,  stripes  and  famine  to  fight  against  their  friends  and 


NOTES.  95 

relations,  is  a  new  mode  of  barbarity  which  your  nation  alone 
has  the  honor  of  inventing,  and  the  sending  American  prisoners 
of  war  to  Africa  and  Asia,  remote  from  all  probability  of 
exchange,  and  where  they  can  scarce  hope  ever  to  hear  from 
their  families,  even  if  the  unwholesorneness  of  the  climate 
does  not  put  a  speedy  end  to  their  lives,  is  a  manner  of  treating 
captives,  that  you  can  justify  by  no  other  precedent  or  custom, 
except  that  of  the  black  savages  of  Guinea. 

We  are,  your  Lordship's  most  obedient  humble  Servants, 

B.  Franklin, 
Lord  Viscount  S.  Deane. 

Stormont." 

"  To  the  above  letter  the  following  insolent  reply  was  made  : 
"  'The  King's  Ambassador  receives  no  Letters  from  Rebels, 
except  when  they  come  to  ask  mercy.'  " 

Copt  of  the  Depositions  above  referred  to. 

"  The  Deposition  of  Eliphalet  Downer,  Surgeon,  taken  in 
the  Yankee  privateer,  is  as  follows : 

That  after  he  was  made  prisoner  by  Captains  Eoss  &  Hodge, 
who  took  advantage  of  the  generous  conduct  of  Capt.  Johnson 
of  the  Yankee  to  them  his  prisoners,  and  of  the  confidence  he 
placed  in  them  in  consequence  of  that  conduct  and  their 
assurances,  he  and  his  countrymen  were  closely  confined,  yet 
assured  that  on  their  arrival  in  port  they  should  be  set  at 
liberty,  and  these  assurances  were  repeated  in  the  most  solemn 
manner,  instead  of  which,  on  their  approach  to  land  they  were. 


96  NOTES. 

in  the  hot  weather  of  August,  shut  up  in  a  small  cabin,  the 
windows  of  which  were  spiked  down  and  no  air  admitted  in, 
so  much  that  they  were  all  in  danger  of  suffocation  from  the 
excessive  heat.  Three  or  four  days  after  their  arrival  in  the 
river  Thames,  they  were  relieved  from  this  situation  in  the 
middle  of  the  night,  hurried  on  hoard  a  tender  and  sent 
down  to  Sheerness,  where  the  deponent  was  put  into  the 
Ardent,  and  there  falling  sick  of  a  violent  fever  in  consequence 
of  such  treatment,  and  languishing  in  that  situation  for  some 
time,  he  was  removed  still  sick  to  the  Mars,  and  notwithstand- 
ing repeated  petitions  to  he  suffered  to  he  sent  to  prison  on 
shore,  he  was  detained  until  having  the  appearance  of  a  morti- 
fication in  his  legs,  he  was  sent  to  Ilaslar  hospital,  from  whence 
after  recovering  his  health,  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  make 
his  escape.  "While  on  hoard  those  ships  and  in  the  hospital, 
he  was  informed  and  believes  that  many  of  his  countrymen, 
after  experiencing  even  worse  treatment  than  he,  were  sent  to 
the  East  Indies,  and  many  of  those  taken  at  Quebec  were  sent 
to  the  coast  of  Africa  as  soldiers." 

"  The  Deposition  of  Captain  Seth  Clark,  of  Xewbury  Port,  in 
the  State  of  Massachusetts-Bay,  in  America,  is  as  follows : 

That  on  his  return  from  Cape  Is  ichola  Mole  to  Newbury 
Port,  he  was  taken  on  the  17th  of  September  last  by  an  armed 

Schooner  in  his  Britannic  Majesty's  service, Coats,  Esq., 

Commander,  and  carried  down  to  Jamaica ;  on  his  arrival  at 
which  place,  he  was  sent  on  board  the  Squirrel,  another  armed 


XOTES.  97 

vessel,  Douglass,   Esq.,    Commander,    where,    although 

master  and  half  owner  of  the  vessel  in  which  he  was  taken, 
he  was  turned  as  a  common  sailor  hefore  the  mast,  and  in  that 
situation  sailed  for  England  in  the  month  of  Xovember,  on  the 
25th  of  which  month  they  took  a  schooner  from  Port  a  Pe  to 
Charlestown,  South  Carolina,  to  which  place  she  belonged, 
when  the  owner  Mr.  Burt,  and  the  master  Mr.  Bean,  were 
brought  on  board ;  on  the  latter's  denying  he  had  any  ship 
papers,  Capt.  Douglass  ordered  him  to  be  stripped,  tied  up  and 
then  whipped  with  a  wire  cat  of  nine  tails  that  drew  blood 
every  stroke,  and  then  on  his  saying  that  he  had  thrown  his 
papers  over  board;  he  was  untied  and  ordered  to  his  duty  as  a 
common  sailor,  with  no  place  for  himself  or  people  to  lay  on 
but  the  decks.  On  their  arrival  at  Spithead,  the  deponent 
was  removed  to  the  Monarch,  and  there  ordered  to  do  duty  as 
a  fore-mast  man,  and  on  his  refusing  on  account  of  inability  to 
do  it,  he  was  threatened  by  the  Lieutenant,  a  Mr.  Stoney, 
that  if  he  spoke  one  word  to  the  contrary,  he  should  be 
brought  to  the  gang-way  and  there  severely  flogged. 

After  this  he  was  again  removed  and  put  on  board  the  Bar- 
fleur,  where  he  remained  till  the  10th  of  February.  On  board 
this  ship  the  deponent  saw  several  American  prisoners,  who 
were  closely  confined  and  ironed,  with  only  four  men's  allow- 
ances to  six.  These  prisoners  and  others  informed  this  depo- 
nent that  a  number  of  American  prisoners  had  been  taken  out 
of  the  ship  and  sent  to  the  East  Indies  and  the  coast  of  Africa, 
which  he  was  told  would  have  been  his  fate,  had  he  arrived 


08  NOTES. 

sooner.     This  deponent  further  saith,  That  in  Haslar  hospital, 

to  which  place,  on  account  of  sickness,  he  was  removed  from 

the  Barfleur,  he  saw  a  Captain  Chase,  of  Providence,  New 

England,  who  told  him,  that  he  had  heen  taken  in  a  sloop  of 

which  he  was  half  owner  and  master,  on  his  passage  from 

Providence  to  South  Carolina,  by  an  English  transport,  and 

turned  over  to  a  ship  of  war,  where  he  was  confined  in  irons 

13  weeks,  insulted,  beat  and  abused  by  the  petty  officers  and 

common  sailors,  and  on  being  released  from  irons  was  ordered 

to  do  duty  as  a  fore-mast  man  until  his  arrival  in  England, 

when  being  dangerously  ill,  he  was  sent  to  said  hospital. 

Paeis,  March  30,  1777/' 

Pennsylvania  Journal,  Aug.  6,  1777. 

(as)  The  Jack  is  the  fruit  grown  on  the  Jack  tree,  Artocarpus 
jaca,  and  is  eatable,  being  of  a  pleasant  flavor.  The  Jack 
belongs  to  the  Artocarpeoe  family,  which  are  confined  entirely 
to  the  tropics.  The  fruit  which  was  eaten  by  our  hero  and 
his  companion,  and  which  is  also  confined  to  the  tropics,  was 
the  Manchineal,  Hippomane  mancinella,  of  the  family  of 
Ficarium  Cochinchinense,  some  of  the  fruit  of  which  is  eatable. 
The  Manchineal  is  very  beautiful  and  attractive  in  its  appear- 
ance, and  very  pleasant  when  first  tasted,  but  soon  becomes  so 
caustic  as  to  corrode  the  mouth,  and  occasions  severe  vomit- 
ing, resulting  in  death.  It  is  exceedingly  poisonous,  and  is 
often  mistaken  for  the  jaca. 


NOTES.  99 

(29)  We  find  the  following  notice  of  this  ship  in  one  of  the  papers 
of  the  day : 

"London,  Oct.  31. 

Capt.  Rogers,  of  the  Stormont,  East  Indiarnan,  on  her  pas- 
sage to  St.  Helena,  took  a  French  snow  under  American  colors, 
of  which  he  first  learned  of  hostilities  heing  commenced 
between  England  and  France.  Capt.  Eogers,  thinking  himself 
in  danger  of  being  taken,  if  he  continued  with  his  prize, 
released  her,  joined  the  other  ships,  and  acquainted  them  with 
the  dangerous  situation  they  were  in,  but  fortunately  saw  no 
privateers  or  French  men-of-war." 

Holt's  N.  Y.  Journal,  Mon.,  March  1,  1779. 

(30)  The  Eexowx  was  a  4th  rate,  carried  50  guns,  and  was 
built  in  1774  as  successor  to  a  40-gun  ship  which  had  been 
broken  up.  In  1775  our  vessel  was  placed  under  the  orders 
of  Capt.  Francis  Banks,  and  ordered  to  North  America,  and  in 
the  following  year  she  formed  one  of  the  fleet  of  Vice-ad.  Lord 
Howe  on  that  station.  In  September  she  was  one  of  the 
squadron  under  Sir  Peter  Parker  that  co-operated  with  the 
army  under  Sir  "William  Howe,  in  the  reduction  of  New  York. 
On  the  18th  day  of  June,  1777,  Capt.  Banks  died  while  in 
command  of  his  vessel,  and  was  succeeded  by  John  Bour- 
master.  In  the  following  year  she  was  under  the  orders  of 
George  Dawson,  and  in  the  month  of  August,  was  one  of  Lord 
Howe's  fleet  off  Sandy  Hook,  in  the  presence  of  the  French 
fleet.  Here  she  fell  in  with  the  Tonnant,  of  84  guns,  and  gave 
her  several  broadsides,  but  other  French  vessels  coming  up, 


100  NOTES. 

the  Renown  was  obliged  to  sheer  off.  Subsequently  she 
engaged  the  Languedoc,  of  90  guns,  D'Estaing's  own  ship, 
which  had  lost  all  her  masts,  and  in  that  condition  was  met 
by  Capt.  Dawson,  who  attacked  her  with  resolution,  pouring 
several  broadsides  into  her,  carrying  away  her  rudder,  and 
doing  her  other  damage,  but  the  darkness  of  night  prevented 
him  from  taking  her.  On  the  5th  day  of  July,  1779,  the 
Renown  was  one  of  a  squadron,  under  Sir  George  Collier,  that 
co-operated  with  a  body  of  troops,  under  Major-General 
Try  on,  in  the  destruction  of  Fairfield,  Norwalk  and  Greenfield, 
and  in  February,  1780,  she  was  one  of  a  squadron  that  sailed 
from  New  York,  under  Vice-ad.  Arbuthnot,  to  co-operate  with 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  the  reduction  of  Charleston,  South  Caro- 
lina. In  1781  she  was  under  the  command  of  John  Henry, 
and  in  December  of  that  year,  she  formed  one  of  a  squadron, 
under  Rear-ad.  Kempenfelt,  that  was  sent  to  intercept  the 
French  "West  India  convoy,  which  had  sailed  from  Brest,  under 
the  command  of  M.  de  Guichen.  In  1782  and  the  following 
year  she  was  one  of  the  squadron  in  North  America,  under 
command  of  Robert  Digby,  Rear-admiral  of  the  red.  She 
returned  to  England  at  the  establishment  of  peace,  and  in  1784 
was  undergoing  repairs  at  Chatham.  She  appears  to  have 
been  broken  up  about  1796,  in  which  year  we  find  her  successor, 
a  74-gun  ship,  building  at  Dudman's  Yard  in  Deptford. 

Jonx  Henry  was  made  lieut.,  April  27,  1757,  promoted  to 
commander,  April  16,  1777,  and  raised  to  the  rank  of  captain 


NOTES.  101 

on  the  22d  day  of  November  following.  In  1778  he  com- 
manded the  24-gnn  ship  Fowey,  and  in  the  month  of  May  of 
that  year,  in  conjunction  "with  a  land  force,  under  Major 
Maitland,  destroyed  the  American  magazines  then  erecting  in 
the  Delaware,  and  captured  the  32-gun  frigate  Washington 
and  28-gun  frigate  Effingham,  besides  a  brig  and  a  sloop.  In 
1780  he  was  promoted  to  the  Providence,  of  32  guns,  an 
American  frigate  captured  at  Charleston,  and  in  the  following 
year  was  appointed  to  the  Renown,  of  50  guns,  in  which  he 
continued  to  the  end  of  the  Avar.  Capt.  Henry  died  on  the 
Gth  day  of  August,  1829. 

(31)  The  SnARK  was  a  British  sloop  of  16  guns,  and  was 
launched  at  Hull  in  1780.  Her  predecessor  had  been  pur- 
chased by  Sir  George  Rodney,  and  sailed  with  him  to  the 
West  Indies,  but  foundered  on  the  way.  Howell  Lloyd,  her 
captain,  and  part  of  her  crew  perished.  The  sloop  which  is 
the  subject  of  our  notice  was  in  1781  under  the  command  of 
Isaac  Vailliant,  and  in  the  year  following  formed  one  of  the 
squadron  in  the  West  Indies,  under  Commodore  Johnston,  at 
which  time  she  was  commanded  by  Robert  McDouall.  In 
1783  she  was  under  the  orders  of  John  Maitland,  and  was 
cruising  in  the  North  Seas,  and  in  the  succeeding  year  she  was 
commanded  by  Valentine  Edwards,  and  employed  on  home 
service.  She  continued  under  the  latter  commander  for  the 
usual  period,  and  was  then  put  out  of  commission.  In  1791 
she  was  under  the   orders  of  Hon.  A.  K.  Legge,   and  was 


102  NOTES. 

employed  as  a  cruiser  in  the  English  and  Irish  Channels  until 
1793,  when,  heing  under  command  of  Scory  Barker,  she 
formed  one  of  the  squadron  of  Sir  Richard  King,  at  Newfound- 
land. She  was  subsequently  under  J.  O'Brien,  and  during  the 
three  following  years  was  attached  to  the  squadron  of  Sir 
James  Wallace,  who  had  succeeded  King  as  commander  on 
that  station.  After  this,  she  was  on  duty  in  the  North  Sea, 
under  Francis  Warren,  and  she  appears  to  have  been  succeeded 
in  1799  by  another  sloop  of  the  same  name  and  force. 

Isaac  Vailliaxt  was  the  eldest  son  of  Paul  Yailliant,  an 
eminent  bookseller,  who  held  at  one  time  the  office  of  Sheriff 
of  London.  The  subject  of  our  note  was  made  lieut.,  Nov.  25, 
1761;  commander,  Oct.  8,  1777;  and  capt.,  Nov.  23,  1780. 
In  1777  he  commanded  the  Nabob,  an  armed  vessel,  and  in 
1780  was  appointed  to  the  sloop  Shark.  He  was  made  a 
superannuated  Rear-admiral  in  1799,  and  died  at  Biacknell 
Banks,  Oct.  25,  1804,  aged  65  years. 

(32)  This  vessel  was  lost  in  November,  1805,  near  the  island 
of  Fernando  de  Norhonha,  in  the  South  Atlantic  Ocean.  She 
was  then  used  as  an  artillery  transport  ship.  Her  crew  and 
the  artillery  troops  that  had  embarked  in  her,  were  all  taken 
off  before  she  sunk.  Brig.-Gen.  York,  of  the  artillery,  was 
drowned  while  endeavoring  to  reach  the  shore. 

(33)  The  AMPniTRiTE  was  registered  as  a  sixth-rate,  carried 
2-i  guns,  and  was  built  in  1778.     In  the  month  of  May  she  was 


NOTES.  103 

commanded  by  Thos.  Gaborian.  In  October.  1779,  sbe  was 
under  tbe  command  of  Capt.  James  Montague,  and  was  cruis- 
ing off  the  coast  of  Spain.  In  1780  sbe  was  under  tbe  orders 
of  Capt.  Robert  Biggs,  and  was  one  of  tbe  squadron,  under 
Rear-admiral  Tbomas  Graves,  tbat  sailed  on  tbe  I7tb  of  May 
for  America.  In  tbe  year  following  sbe  sailed  from  Sandy 
Hook  in  Admiral  Graves'  fleet  for  tbe  Cbesapeake.  In  Marcb, 
1782,  she  took  tbe  brig  Peggy  from  Yirginia,  bound  to  the 
West  Indies,  with  a  cargo  of  flour,  and  in  April  following  she 
took  the  privateer  ship  Franklin.  In  October,  in  company 
with  another  vessel,  she  captured  two  brigs  laden  with  lum- 
ber, a  ship  with  silks,  from  Bilboa,  and  a  privateer  schooner, 
as  well  as  retook  two  brigs  from  Yirginia,  laden  with  tobacco. 
Sbe  returned  to  England  at  tbe  restoration  of  peace,  and  went 
into  repair  at  Woolwich.  In  1793  we  find  her  again  in  com- 
mission, she  being  then  under  the  orders  of  Capt.  Anthony 
Hunt,  2d,  and  being  one  of  a  squadron  of  ships  that  sailed  from 
Spithead  for  tbe  Mediterranean  on  the  22d  of  May,  under  the 
command  of  Yice-ad.  Lord  Howe.  She  was  wrecked  soon 
after  reaching  her  station,  by  striking  upon  a  sunken  rock. 
Her  captain  and  crew  were  all  saved.  She  was  succeeded  in 
the  navy  by  a  28-gun  frigate  that  was  formerly  the  Pomona, 
built  at  Southampton  in  1778  and  broken  up  in  1811. 

Eoeeet  Biggs  was  made  lieut,  Aug.  7,  1701 ;  commander, 
Jan.  10,  1771 ;  and  raised  to  the  rank  of  captain,  March  18, 
1778.     In  1771  he  commanded  the  Grace,  an  armed  cutter, 


10-1  NOTES. 

and  in  1774  the  sloop  Favorite,  of  16  guns.  In  1778  he  com- 
manded the  Lively,  of  20  guns,  and  on  the  8th  day  of  July  of 
that  year,  having  heen  ordered  to  watch  the  motions  of  the 
French  fleet  off  Brest,  under  Compte  D'Orvilliers,  upon  a  fog 
clearing  up,  he  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  the  enemy, 
whereupon  he  was  compelled  to  strike  his  colors.  In  1780  he 
was  appointed  to  the  Amphitrite,  of  24  guns,  and  ordered  to 
North  America,  on  which  station  lie  remained  till  the  end  of 
the  Avar,  when  he  returned  home.  He  was  made  Eear-ad.  of 
the  white  in  1795,  Vice-ad.  of  the  blue  in  1799,  and  in  the 
year  following  was  raised  to  Vice-ad.  of  the  white.  He  died 
at  Catisfield,  Hants,  on  the  11th  day  of  July,  1803. 

(34)  The  Amphiox  was  a  fifth-rate  British  frigate,  mounting 
32  guns,  and  was  launched  at  Chatham,  Dec.  25th,  1780.  Her 
dimensions  were  as  follows:  Length  of  gun-deck,  126  ft.  1  in.; 
of  keel,  104  ft.  3  in.;  breadth,  35  ft.;  depth,  12  ft,  2  in.; 
tons,  679.  As  soon  as  she  was  equipped  and  ready  for  service, 
she  was  placed  under  the  command  of  Capt.  John  Bazely ;  and 
in  the  spring  of  1781,  in  company  with  the  Ostridge  sloop  of 
Avar,  commanded  by  Sir  Jacob  "Wheate,  and  the  armed  ship 
Britannia,  convoyed  to  America  23  sail  of  transports,  with 
about  3,000  German  troops,  arriving  at  New  York  in  the 
month  of  August,  after  a  passage  of  93  days.  On  the  10th 
day  of  September,  she  formed  one  of  a  small  squadron,  under 
Capt.  Bazely,  which  iu  conjunction  with  a  land  force,  under 
Gen.  Arnold,  destroyed  the  town  of  New  London,  with  several 


NOTES.  105 

magazines  of  stores,  and  all  the  shipping  in  the  harbor.'  In 
October  following  she  was  one  of  the  fleet,  under  Rear-ad. 
Digby,  that  sailed  from  New  York  to  the  relief  of  Cornwallis 
at  Yorktown.  In  the  line  of  battle  she  was  one  of  the  frigates 
attached  to  the  centre  division,  which  was  under  the  com- 
mand of  Thomas  Graves,  Rear-ad.  of  the  red.  In  the  month 
of  February,  1782,  being  on  a  cruise,  in  company  with  the 
Cyclops  frigate,  of  28  guns,  she  captured  the  Lamblaset,  a 
large  French  ship,  of  1G  guns,  from  Guadaloupe,  bound  to 
Virginia,  and  in  the  following  month  she  took  the  French 
ship  La  Favourite,  of  16  guns,  bound  from  Bayonne  in  France, 
to  Philadelphia.  In  May  following,  the  Amphion  made  a 
prize  of  the  schooner  Governor  Livingston,  Captain  Moses 
Griffin,  bound  from  St.  Yincent  to  Philadelphia,  and  in  Noveni- 
ber  she  took  a  sloop,  bound  from  St.  Croix  to  Rhode  Island, 
where  she  was  owned,  commanded  by  Capt.  "Whipple,  and 
laden  with  a  valuable  cargo  of  rum.  The  Atnphion  remained 
on  the  American  station,  under  Capt.  Bazely,  until  the  end  of 
the  war,  when  she  returned  home.  After  being  overhauled  at 
Woolwich,  Capt.  John  Brown  was  appointed  to  her,  and  he 
was  succeeded  by  Capt.  Henry  Nichols,  who  in  his  turn  gave 
up  the  command  to  Capt.  Herbert  Sawyer,  under  whom,  in 
1793,  she  formed  one  of  the  fleet  of  Rear-ad.  Ivingsmill,  on  the 
Irish  station.  In  the  following  year  she  appears  as  one  of  the 
squadron  at  Newfoundland,  under  Rear-ad.  Sir  James  Wallace. 
In  1795  Capt.  Israel  Pellew  was  appointed  to  her,  under  whom 
she  continued  a  short  time  at  Newfoundland,  and  returned 


106  NOTES. 

home  the  following  year.  She  subsequently  cruised  a  short 
time  in  the  North  Sea,  and  was  then  ordered  to  join  the 
squadron  of  frigates,  under  Sir  Edward  Pellew,  employed  oft' 
the  coast  of  France.  On  her  way  thither,  having  sustained 
some  damage  in  a  hard  gust  of  wind,  she  put  into  Plymouth 
for  repair.  She  anchored  in  the  Sound,  Sept.  19,  1796,  and 
went  into  the  harbor  the  following  morning.  On  the  22d,  at 
about  half-past  4  p.  m.,  a  violent  shock,  like  that  of  an  earth- 
quake, was  felt  at  Stonehouse,  and  extended  as  far  off  as  the 
Royal  Hospital  and  the  town  of  Plymouth.  The  sky  towards 
the  dock  appeared  red  like  the  effect  of  a  fire,  and  for  nearly 
a  quarter  of  an  hour  the  streets  were  crowded  with  people 
running  to  and  fro  in  the  utmost  consternation.  When  the 
alarm  and  confusion  had  somewhat  subsided,  it  was  ascertained 
that  the  shock  had  been  caused  by  the  explosion  of  the 
Amphion.  The  upper  works  in  the  fore  part  of  the  ship  had 
been  blown  to  atoms,  and  she  had  almost  immediately  sunk  in 
ten  fathoms  of  water.  As  the  ship  was  expected  to  sail  the 
next  day,  there  were  nearly  300  persons  on  board  at  the  time 
of  the  calamity.  About  100  of  these  were  visitors,  who  had 
come  to  take  leave  of  their  friends  and  relatives  before  their 
departure.  Of  the  large  number  on  board,  not  more  than  40 
were  saved,  and  the  greater  portion  of  these  were  more  or 
less  injured.  Capt.  Pellew,  her  commander,  was  severely 
wounded,  but  recovered.  Capt.  Swaffield,  of  the  Overyssel, 
who  was  at  dinner  with  him,  was  killed,  as  were  also  most  of 
the  officers  who  were  on  board  at  the  time.     Several  bodies 


NOTES.  107 

were  picked  up  by  the  boats.  Most  of  those  who  remained 
alive  were  conveyed  in  a  mangled  state  to  the  Eoyal  Hospital. 
Arms,  legs,  and  lifeless  trunks  were  collected  and  deposited  at 
the  Hospital  for  identification.  As  the  ship  had  been  originally 
manned  from  Plymouth,  the  number  of  people  who  were 
afterwards  seen  there  in  deep  mourning  for  their  lost  relatives, 
was  truly  melancholy.  The  explosion  is  supposed  to  have 
been  caused  by  the  carelessness  of  the  gunner  in  going  among 
the  gunpowder,  without  using  the  necessary  precautions.  The 
Amphion  was  succeeded  by  a  frigate  of  the  same  name  and 
force,  which  was  built  at  Betts1  yard,  in  Mistleythorne,  in  the 
year  1798. 

Johx  Bazely  was  born  in  Dover,  in  the  county  of  Kent, 
Eng.,  about  1740.  ne  entered  the  navy  in  1755,  and  became 
lieut.,  April  7,  1760.  On  the  22d  Sept.,  1777,  while  in  com- 
mand of  the  Alert  cutter,  of  10  guns  and  CO  men,  he  captured 
the  brig  Lexington,  of  16  guns  and  84  men,  of  whom  7  were 
killed  and  11  wounded.  The  Alert  had  2  killed  and  3  wounded. 
For  this  achievement  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  com- 
mander. On  the  15th  April,  1778,  he  was  advanced  to  post- 
captain  in  the  Formidable,  of  90  guns,  the  flag-ship  of  Sir 
Hugh  Palliser,  in  the  fleet  under  the  command  of  Admiral 
Keppel.  In  the  action  off  Brest  on  the  27th  July,  he  was,  of 
course,  present,  and  his  ship  had  a  greater  number  of  killed 
and  wounded  than  any  other  of  the  fleet.  Capt.  Bazely  was 
subsequently  moved  to  the  Pegasus,  of  28  guns.     On  the  8th 


108  NOTES. 

Jan.,  1780,  he  participated  in  the  capture  of  avaluahle  Spanish 
convoy,  and  on  the  lGth  of  the  same  month  was  engaged  in 
the  action  with  the  Spanish  fleet  off  Cadiz.  He  afterwards, 
for  a  short  time,  commanded  the  frigate  Apollo,  and  was  then 
appointed  to  the  Amphion,  of  32  guns,  in  which  he  continued 
to  the  end  of  the  American  war.  On  the  return  of  peace  he 
Avas  appointed  to  the  Alfred,  of  74  guns,  then  a  guard-ship  at 
Chatham,  and  was  subsequently  under  Howe  in  the  memorable 
engagement  of  1st  June,  1794.  He  afterwards  moved  to  the 
Blenheim,  of  98  guns,  and  served  in  her,  under  Admiral,  Lord 
Hotham,  in  the  Mediterranean.  On  the  1st  June,  1795,  he 
was  made  Rear-ad.  of  the  white,  and  by  subsequent  promotions 
attained  the  rank  of  Vice-ad.  of  the  red.  He  died  at  Dover, 
April  G,  1809,  at  the  age  of  69  years. 

(35)  The  "  Jeeset  "  was  originally  a  British  ship  of  the  line. 
She  was  registered  as  a  4th-rate,  carried  60  guns,  and  was 
built  in  1736,  as  successor  to  a  50-gun  ship,  which  had  been 
condemned  as  unfit  for  further  duty.  The  first  service  of  our 
ship  was  in  1737,  when  she  was  one  of  the  Channel  fleet,  under 
Sir  John  Norris.  In  1739  she  was  commanded  by  Edmund 
Williams,  and  composed  one  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet,  under 
Bear-admirals  Nicholas  Haddock  and  Sir  Chaloner  Ogle,  and 
she  was  subsequently  one  of  the  squadron  that  was  designed 
against  Ferrol.  In  1741  she  was  commanded  by  Peter  Law- 
rence, and  in  March  of  that  year,  she  bore  the  flag  of  Sir 
Chaloner  Ogle,  at  which  time  she  composed  one  of  the  fleet  of 


NOTES.    •  109 

Admiral  Vernon,  in  his  unsuccessful  expedition  against  Car- 
thagena.  In  1743  Harry  Xorris  was  appointed  to  her,  who 
in  1744  was  succeeded  in  command  of  her  by  Charles  Hardy, 
subsequently  Governor  of  New  York.  Under  this  officer  she 
formed,  in  the  following  year,  one  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet, 
under  Vice-admiral  Rowley.  On  the  26th  of  July,  while  on  a 
cruise  off  Gibraltar,  she  fell  in  with  the  St.  Esprit,  a  French 
ship  of  74  guns.  An  engagement  ensued,  and  lasted  for  2% 
hours,  Avhen  the  St.  Esprit,  being  much  damaged,  was  com- 
pelled to  sheer  off.  The  Jersey  being  also  much  crippled,  was 
unable  to  pursue  her,  and  accordingly  put  into  Lisbon  for 
repair.  She  subsequently  served  in  the  Mediterranean  fleet, 
under  Admiral  Medley,  and  then  returned  home.  In  Oct., 
1748,  the  Jersey  was  reported  as  a  hulk,  and  in  1755,  after 
being  put  into  repair  at  Chatham,  and  manned  with  a  crew  of 
420  men,  she  was  placed  under  the  orders  of  Sir  "William 
Burnaby,  in  anticipation  of  a  rupture  with  France.  In  1757 
John  Barker  was  appointed  to  her,  and  under  him  she  formed 
one  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet,  under  Henry  Osborne,  Admiral 
of  the  blue.  In  1759  she  composed  one  of  the  fleet  of  Admiral 
Boscawen,  in  his  maneuvers  against  the  French  squadron, 
under  M.  de  la  Clue,  and  she  was  one  of  the  three  ships  that 
made  the  unsuccessful  attempt  to  cut  away  two  of  the  enemy's 
vessels  in  the  harbor  of  Toulon.  About  the  latter  part  of  the 
year  Andrew  Wilkinson  was  appointed  to  her,  under  whom 
she  composed  one  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet,  under  Vice- 
adiniral  Saunders,  until  near  the  termination  of  the  war.     In 


110  NOTES. 

176G  William  Dickson  was  appointed  to  command  her  as  cap- 
tain to  Sir  Kicliard  Spry,  who  hoisted  his  flag  on  hoard,  and 
continued  in  her  as  commander  of  a  small  squadron  in  the 
Mediterranean  till  1768.  In  the  following  year  she  sailed 
from  Plymouth  for  Newfoundland,  taking  the  Hon.  John 
Byron,  the  newly  appointed  Governor  of  that  colony,  as  a 
passenger,  and  bearing  his  flag  on  board.  She  returned  home 
at  the  end  of  the  year  and  put  into  Chatham,  where  she  was 
soon  after  fitted  up  as  a  hospital-ship.  She  was  placed  under 
the  orders  of  Commander  W.  A.  Halstead,  and  sailed  for 
America  in  the  spring  of  1776,  as  one  of  the  squadron  of  Com- 
modore Hotham,  arriving  at  Sandy  Hook  in  the  month  of 
August.  She  subsequently  was  used  for  a  short  time  as  a 
store-ship,  then  employed  again  as  a  hospital-ship,  and  finally 
fitted  up  as  a  prison-ship,  in  which  capacity  she  remained  till 
the  termination  of  the  war,  when  she  was  broken  up  and  sunk 
off  the  Long  Island  shore,  near  the  site  of  the  present  navy 
yard.  She  was  succeeded  in  the  navy  by  a  cutter  of  the  same 
name,  which  was  launched  in  1860. 

For  further  particulars  respecting  her,  the  sufferings  of  the  prisoners 
on  board,  etc.,  see  "  Adventures  of  Christopher  Hawkins,"  etc., 
edited  by  Charles  I.  Bushnell.  8vo.  pp.  31G.  N.  Y.,  1864.  See  also 
Appendix  to  the  present  volume. 

(a6)  Capt.  Bexjamix  Ellistgwood  was  the  great-grandson 
of  Kalph  Ellingwood,  one  of  the  first  settlers  of  Beverly,  Mass., 
and  was  the   son   of  Ebenezer   Ellinffwood.     His  mother's 


NOTES.  Ill 

maiden  name  was  Elizabeth  Corning.  The  subject  of  our 
sketch  was  born  in  Beverly,  Aug.  16,  1753,  and  died  in  the 
West  Indies  in  the  summer  of  1792.  The  following  is  his 
genealogy,  taken  from  the  Town  Records : 

Ralph  Ellingwood,  married  Aug.  21,  1691.    Had  one  son,  viz. : 
Ebenezer  Ellingwood,  born  Aug.  29,   1697.    Married  Sarah  Tuck, 

March  23, 1719.    Had  one  son,  viz. : 
Ebenezer  Ellingwood,  born  Oct.  30, 1719.   Married  Elizabeth  Corning, 

May  24,  1744.    Had  one  son,  viz. : 
Benjamin  Ellingwood,    born  Aug.   16,   1753.    Married  Ann  Clark, 

Nov.  17, 1774.  No  children.  He  married  Love  Hilton, 

Aug.  8, 1779.    No  descendants  living. 

(37)  Cape  Ann,  a  promontory  in  Essex  Co.,  Mass.  It  derives 
its  name  from  Prince  Charles,  who  gave  it  the  name  out  of 
respect  to  his  mother,  Queen  Ann,  the  consort  of  James  1st. 
Sandy  Bay,  now  called  Eockport,  is  on  the  north-easterly  side 
of  the  Cape,  about  four  miles  from  the  South  Harbor. 

(j8)  John  Blatciifobd,  Senr.,  the  father  of  our  hero,  was 
born  in  the  southern  part  of  England,  about  the  year  1702.  In 
1716,  when  the  river  Thames  was  frozen  over,  and  when 
beeves  were  roasted  and  eaten  on  the  ice,  he  was  present  with 
hundreds  of  men  and  boys.  "  After  the  gentlemen  bad  finished 
their  feast,"  as  he  himself  used  to  say,  "  the  boys  were  all 
bountifully  supplied."  At  this  time  he  called  himself  14  years 
old.  Some  years  after  this  remarkably  cold  winter,  Mr. 
Blatchford   came   to   Portsmouth,   N.  H.,  where  he  resided 


112  NOTES. 

several  years,  and  then  moved  to  Salem,  Mass.  He  came  to 
Gloucester,  now  Rockport,  on  Cape  Ann,  about  1754.  Here, 
Jan.  7,  1755,  he  married  Rachel,  daughter  of  Samuel  and 
Elizabeth  Clark,  of  that  place.  For  many  years  preceding  his 
death,  Mr.  Blatchford  was  very  infirm,  and  his  wife  being 
unable  to  take  care  of  him,  they  went  to  live  with  their 
daughter  Rachel.  There  Mrs.  Blatchford  died  in  the  year 
1800.  Mr.  Blatchford  continued  residing  with  his  daughter 
until  1809,  when  he  died  at  the  age  of  about  107  years.  The 
following  were  the  names  of  his  children : 

1.  Molly Married  1st.  Mr.  Craven.    2d.  Joseph  Tucker. 

2.  John "   Anna,  d.  of  Nehemiah  and  Betsey  Grover. 

3.  William Died  young. 

4.  Eachel "   Nathaniel  Foster,  of  Woolwich,  Me. 

5.  Samuel "   Lydia,  d.  of  Henry  Clark,  of  Rockport. 

G.  Nathaniel..  "  Abigail  Cleveland,  of  Gloucester. 

7.  Henry "   Hannah,  d.  of  John  and  Anna  Gamage,  of  Rockport. 

8.  Jonathan. . .  Died  young. 

(39)  We  have  stated  that  the  maiden  name  of  Mr.  Blatch- 
ford's  wife  was  Anna  Grover.  This  lady  was  born  in  176G, 
and  was  the  daughter  of  Nehemiah  Grover,  a  farmer  of  Sandy 
Bay,  now  Rockport.  Her  mother,  Betsey  Grover,  was  the 
daughter  of  Nathaniel  Gamage,  by  his  wife  Mary,  daughter 
of  Joshua  Norwood. 

Mr.  Blatchford  died  about  the  year  1704,  leaving  his  widow 
surviving  him.  In  the  year  1800  she  married  Edward  Big- 
gins, Jr.,  and  he  dying  in  1805,  she  was  again  left  a  widow. 


NOTES.  113 

She  supported  herself  and  children  hy  weaving,  until  the 
factories  so  affected  the  wheel  and  loom,  that  that  trade 
hecame  no  longer  remunerative.  She  then  devoted  a  part  of 
her  time  to  nursing  the  sick,  in  which  occupation  she  was  held 
in  great  repute.  She  is  represented  as  having  heen  of  an 
amiahle  disposition,  of  industrious  hahits,  and  possessed  of 
many  endearing  qualities.  She  died  on  the  fourth  day  of 
March,  1841,  at  the  age  of  75  years. 

Her  children  hy  Mr.  Blatchford  were  as  follows : 

Nancy born  1784 Died  young. 

Rachel.  . .     "     1786 married  Francis  Hilton,  of  Gloucester 

She  is  still  living. 

William..     "     1788 "       1st.  Betsey  Foster.      2d.  Mrs.  Mary 

Tarr,  of  Rockport.    He  died,  Jan.  20, 1864. 

JonN "     1790 "       Margaret  Oakes  Soper,  of  Rockport. 

He  is  still  living. 

For  the  following  additional  particulars,  we  are  indebted  to  the 
kindness  of  Miss  Betsie  F.  Andrews,  of  Rockport,  Mass. 

EAcnEL  Br.ATcnFOKD,  eldest  child  of  John  Blatchford  and 
Anna  (Grover)  Blatchford,  that  arrived  at  maturity,  was 
horn  in  Bockport  in  1786.  Married  Francis  Hilton,  of  Glou- 
cester, who  died  at  Rockport,  1812.  Mrs.  Balton  has  since 
remained  a  widow,  and  is  at  this  date  (18G5)  living  with 
her  daughter,  Sarah,  in  Cambridge,  Mass.  Her  children  are 
as  follows : 

1.  Francis born  180G.  .married,  1st,  Mary  Pew.    2d,  Sarah  Tappan. 

Still  living  in  Gloucester. 


1U 


NOTES. 


2.  Sarah born  1803.  .married,  1st,  DavidMellen.  2d,  James  Hilton. 

Still  living  in  Cambridge. 

3.  William..  .    "     1810.  .unmarried Died. 

4.  IsaacTull.    "     1810.  .married,  1st,  Rhoda  Poole.    He  died  and  his 

widow  married  Chas.  Marchant,  who  died. 

William  Blatciifokd,  brother  of  the  preceding,  was  born 
in  Rockport,  1788;  married  (1814),  1st,  Betsey  Foster, 
daughter  of  Nathaniel  and  Rachel  Foster,  of  Rockport,  who 
died,  Jan.,  1831.  2d,  (1833)  Mary  Tarr,  widow  of  Robert 
Tarr,  and  daughter  of  George  and  Sally  Gott,  all  of  Rockport. 
William  Blatchford  was  a  resident  of  Rockport,  and  was  a 
very  enterprising  seaman.  In  1799,  when  only  11  years  of 
age,  he  served  on  board  the  "  Congress."  "When  past  70 
years  old,  he  received  a  land  warrant  for  that  service.  He 
died,  Jan.  20,  18G4.     His  children  were — 

By  his  first  marriage. 

1.  Caroline  Preble,  .born  June  20, 1815 Died  young. 

2.  William "    July  17,  1817.  .married  Ellen  Reid,  of  Pat- 

erson,  N.  J. 

3.  Mart  Pollard  ... .    "     Feb.  22, 1819. .      "        Charles    Nute,    of 

Dover,  N.  H. 

4.  John "    Aug.  13, 1821..       "        Lydia    White,     of 

Casco,  Me. 

5.  A  Daughter "    July  15, 1823. .  Died  an  infant. 

6.  Nancy  G "    Sept.  5, 1825. .      "        John  Pittee. 

7.  Elizabeth »    Sept.  8, 1827..       "        Daniel   Merrill,   of 

Buxton,  Me. 

8.  Dudley  Choate  ...    "    Dec.  12,  1829. .       "        Mary  Ann  Babson, 

of  Rockport. 

9.  Nathaniel  Foster.    "    Nov.  29, 1831. .      "        Mary  Findlay. 


NOTES.  115 

By  his  second  marriage. 

1.  Benjamin  Franklin,  .born  Jan.       1835.  .married  Emily  Snow.    He 

served  in  the  War  for  the  Union  in 
2d  Mass.  Artillery,  and  was  promoted 
1st  lieut.  for  gallaDt  conduct. 

2.  Lcct  Sanborn "    Sept.    8, 1S33 Died  young. 

3.  Louisa  Foster "    Nov.  29, 1841. .  .married    Henry    Martin 

Lowe,  of  Rockport,  who  served  in 
the  War  for  the  Union. 

Capt.  Jonx  Blatciiford,  brother  of  the  preceding,  and  the 
youngest  of  the  children  of  John  Blatchford,  and  Anna  his  wife, 
was  horn  in  Rockport,  1790 ;  married,  1809,  Margaret  Oakes, 
daughter  of  Benjamin  Soper.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Blatchford  are 
still  living  in  Rockport,  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts.  Their 
children  are  as  follows  : 

1.  Charlotte  Foster born  Dec.    1,  1809.  .married,     1st,    Lemuel 

Norwood,  keeper  of  the 
"Light"  on  Eastern  Point, 
Gloucester.  2d,  Daniel  Nor- 
wood, of  Gloucester. 

2.  Margaret  Oakes born  Dec.  1G,  1811.  .married  William  Thurs- 

ton, of  Rockport. 

3.  John "    Oct.  15,1812 Died  young. 

4.  Sally  Foster "    Apl.  21, 1814.  .married  John  Hoble,  of 

Rockport. 

5.  Caroline  Treble "    Apl.  28,  1817.  .married  Benjamin  Soper 

Marshall,  Jr.,  of  Rockport. 
C.  MaryChoate "    Feb.    4,  1821.  .married  Albert  Giddings 

Hale. 
7.  Sophia  Andrews "    Oct.    5,1823 Died  young. 


110 


NOTES. 


8.  Nancy  Tarr born  July  2G,  1S2G.  .married  James  Munroe 

Montgomery,  of  Boothbay,  Me. 
O.John "    Oct.  15, 1827 Died  young. 

10.  Zelinda  Goss "    Aug.  26, 1828.  .married  Benjamin  Reed 

Montgomery,  of  Boothbay,  Me. 

11.  Louisa  Maria  Mellen.    "    Dec.  11,  1833.  .married  David  Parsons 

Boynton,  Jr.,  of  Rockport,  who 
served  in  Co.  B,  50th  Regt. 
Mass.  Vols.,  in  "War  for  the 
Union,  and  died  in  Rockport, 
Nov.  3,  1863. 

12.  Betsey  Foster "    Mar.  11, 1836.  .married  John  Edmunds, 

of  Pockport. 


APPENDIX 


The  DESTRUCTIVE  OPERATION  of  FOUL  AlR,  TAINTED  PRO- 
VISIONS, bad  "Water,  and  personal  Filthiness,  upon  human 
Constitutions  ;  exemplified  in  the  unparalleled  Cruelty  of  the 
British  to  the  American  Captives  at  Ifew-TorTc  during  the 
Revolutionary  Wai',  on  Board  their  Prison  and  Hospital 
Ships.  By  Captain  Alexander  Coffin,  Jan.,  one  of  the  sur- 
viving Sufferers:  In  a  Communication  to  Dr.  Mitcuill, 
dated  September  4,  1S07. 

SHALL  furnish  you  with  au  account  of  the 
treatment  that  I,  with  other  of  my  fellow 
citizens  received  on  board  the  Jersey  and  John 
prison  ships;  those  monuments  of  British 
barbarity  and  infamy.  I  shall  give  you  nothing  but  a  plain 
simple  statement  of  facts  that  cannot  be  controverted.  And 
I  begin  my  narrative  from  the  time  of  my  leaving  the  South- 
Carolina  frigate. 

In  June,  1782,  I  left  the  above  mentioned  frigate  in  the 
Havanna,  on  board  of  which  ship  I  had  long  served  as  a  mid- 
shipman, and  made  several  trading  voyages.  I  sailed  early  in 
September  from  Baltimore  for  the  Havanna,  in  a  fleet  of  about 
forty  sail,  most  of  which  were  captured,  and  we  among  the 
rest,  by  the  British  frigate  Ceres,  Captain  Hawkins,  a  man  in 


118  APPENDIX. 

every  sense  of  the  word  a  perfect  brute.  Although  our  com- 
mander. Captain  Hughes,  was  a  very  gentlemanly  man,  he  was 
treated  in  the  most  shameful  and  abusive  manner  by  said 
Hawkins,  and  ordered  below  to  mess  with  the  petty  officers. 
Our  officers  were  put  in  the  cable-tier  with  the  crew,  and  a 
guard  placed  at  the  hatchway  to  prevent  more  than  two  going 
on  deck  at  a  time,  and  that  only  for  the  necessary  calls  of 
nature.  The  provisions  served  out  to  us  were  of  the  very 
worst  kind,  and  very  short  allowance  even  of  that.  They  fre- 
quently gave  us  pea-soup,  that  is,  pea -water,  for  the  pease  and 
the  soup,  all  but  about  a  gallon  or  two,  were  taken  out  for 
the  ship's  company,  and  the  coppers  filled  up  with  water,  and 
just  warmed  and  stirred  together,  and  brought  down  to  us  in 
a  strap-tub.  And,  Sir,  I  might  have  defied  any  person  on 
earth,  possessing  the  most  acute  olfactory  powers,  and  tbe 
most  refined  taste,  to  decide,  either  by  one  or  the  other,  or 
both  of  those  senses,  whether  it  was  pease  and  water,  slush 
and  water,  or  swill.  After  living  and  being  treated  in  this 
way,  subject  to  every  insult  and  abuse  for  ten  or  twelve  days, 
we  fell  in  with  the  Champion  British  twenty-gun  ship,  which 
was  bound  to  New  York  to  refit,  and  were  all  sent  on  board 
of  her.  The  Captain  was  a  true  seaman  and  a  gentleman ;  and 
our  treatment  was  so  different  from  what  we  had  experienced 
on  board  the  Ceres,  that  it  was  like  being  removed  from  pur- 
gatory to  paradise.  His  name,  I  think,  was  Edwards.  We 
arrived  about  the  beginning  of  October  at  New-York,  and  were 
immediately  sent  on  board  the  prison-ship  in  a  small  schooner 


APPENDIX.  119 

called,  ironically  enough,  the  Relief,  commanded  by  one 
Gardner,  an  Irishman.  This  schooner  Belief  plied  between 
the  prison-ship  and  New- York,  and  carried  the  water  and 
provisions  from  the  city  to  the  ship.  In  fact,  the  said 
schooner  might  emphatically  be  termed  the  Belief  for  the 
execrable  water  and  provisions  she  carried  relieved  many  of 
my  brave  but  unfortunate  countrymen  oy  death,  from  the 
misery  and  savage  treatment  they  daily  endured.  Before  I  go 
on  to  relate  the  treatment  we  experienced  on  board  the 
Jersey,  I  will  make  one  remark,  and  that  is,  that  if  you  were 
to  rake  the  infernal  regions,  I  doubt  whether  you  could  find 
such  another  set  of  daemons  as  the  officers  and  men  who  had 
charge  of  the  old  Jersey  prison-ship.  And,  Sir,  I  shall  not  be 
surprised  if  you,  possessing  those  finer  feelings  which  I  believe 
are  interwoven  in  the  composition  of  man,  and  which  are  not 
totally  torn  from  the  piece,  till,  by  a  long  and  obstinate  per- 
severance in  the  meanest,  the  basest,  and  crudest  of  all  human 
arts,  a  man  becomes  lost  to  every  sense  of  honour,  of  justice, 
of  humanity,  and  common  honesty ; — I  shall  not  be  surprised, 
I  say,  if  you,  possessing  those  finer  feelings,  should  doubt 
whether  men  could  be  so  lost  to  their  sacred  obligations  to 
their  God,  and  the  moral  ties  which  ought  to  bind  them  to 
their  duty  toward  their  fellow  men,  as  those  men  were,  who 
had  the  charge,  and  also  those  who  had  any  agency  in  the 
affairs  of  the  Jersey  prison-ship.  On  my  arrival  on  hoard  the 
old  Jersey,  I  found  there  about  eleven  hundred  prisoners; 
many  of  them  had  oeen  therefrom  three  to  six  months,  out  few 


120  APPENDIX. 

lived  over  that  time  if  they  did  not  get  away  by  some  means  or 
other.  They  were  generally  in  the  most  deplorable  situation, 
mere  walling  skeletons,  without  money,  and  scarcely  clothes  to 
cover  their  nakedness,  and  overrun  icith  lice  from  head  to  foot. 
The  provisions,  Sir,  that  were  served  out  to  us  was  not  more 
than  four  or  five  ounces  of  meat,  and  about  as  much  bread,  all 
condemned  provisions  from  their  ships  of  war,  which  no  doubt 
tccre  supplied  with  new  in  their  stead,  and  the  new  in  all  pro- 
bability charged  by  the  commissaries  to  the  Jersey.  They, 
however,  Tcnoio  best  about  that ;  and  however  secure  they  may 
note  feel,  they  will  have  to  render  an  account  of  that  business 
to  a  Judge  who  cannot  be  deceived.  This  fact,  however,  I  can 
safely  aver,  that  both  the  times  that  I  was  confined  on  board 
the  pirison-ship,  there  never  were  provisions  served  out  to  the 
prisoners  that  would  have  been  eatable  by  men  that  were  not 
literally  in  a  starving  situation.  The  water  that  we  were 
forced  to  use  was  carried  from  this  city ;  and  I  positively 
assert,  that  I  never,  after  having  followed  the  sea  thirty  years, 
had  on  board  of  any  ship,  (and  I  have  been  three  years  on  some 
of  my  voyages)  water  so  bad  as  that  we  were  obliged  to  use  on 
board  the  old  Jersey ;  when  there  was,  as  it  were  to  tantalize 
us,  as  fine  water,  not  more  than  three  cables  length  from  us,  at 
the  mill  in  the  Wallabout,  as  was  perhaps  ever  drank. 

There  were  hogs  kept  in  pens  on  the  gun-deck  by  the  officers 
of  the  prison-ship)  for  their  own  use  ;  and  I  have  seen  the 
prisoners  tcatch  an  opportunity,  and  with  a  tin  pot  steal  the 
bran  from  the  hogs'  trough,  and  go  into  the  galley,  and  when 


APPENDIX.  121 

they  could  get  an  opportunity,  boil  it  on  the  fire,  and  eat  it  as 
you,  Sir,  would  eat  of  good  soup  when  hungry.  This  I  have 
seen  more  than  once,  and  there  are  those  now  living  beside  me 
who  can  bear  testimony  to  the  same  fact.  There  are  many- 
other  facts  equally  abominable  that  I  could  mention,  but  the 
very  thought  of  those  things  brings  to  my  recollection  scenes 
the  most  distressing.  When  I  reflect  how  many  hundreds  of 
my  brave  and  intrepid  brother- seamen  and  countrymen  I  have 
seen  in  all  the  bloom  of  health,  brought  on  board  of  that  ship, 
and  in  a  few  days  numbered  with  the  dead,  in  consequence  of 
the  savage  treatment  they  there  received  ;  I  can  but  adore  my 
Creator  that  he  suffered  me  to  escape ;  but  I  did  not  escape, 
Sir,  without  being  brought  to  the  very  verge  of  the  grave. 
This  was  the  second  time  I  was  on  board,  which  I  shall  men- 
tion more  particularly  hereafter.  Those  of  us  who  had  money 
fared  much  better  than  those  who  had  none.  I  had  made  out 
to  save,  when  taken,  about  twenty  dollars,  and  with  that  I 
could  buy  from  the  bumboats  that  were  permitted  to  come 
along  side,  bread,  fruit,  &c,  but,  Sir,  those  bumboatmen  were 
of  the  same  kidney  with  the  officers  of  the  Jersey ;  we  got 
nothing  from  them  without  paying  through  the  nose  for  it,  and 
I  soon  found  the  bottom  of  my  purse  ;  after  which  I  fared  no 
better  than  the  rest.  I  was,  however,  fortunate  in  another 
respect ;  for  after  having  been  there  about  sis  weeks,  two  of 
my  countrymen,  (I  am  a  Nantucket  man)  happened  to  come  to 
New- York  to  endeavour  to  recover  a  whaling  sloop  that  had 
been  captured,  with  a  whaling  licence  from  Admiral  Digby ; 


122  AITENDIX. 

and  they  found  means  to  procure  my  release,  passing  me  for  a 
Quaker,  to  which  I  confess  I  had  no  pretensions  further  than 
my  mother  being  a  member  of  that  respectable  society.  Thus, 
Sir,  I  returned  to  my  friends  fit  for  the  newest  fashion,  after 
an  absence  of  three  years.  For  my  whole  wardrobe  I  carried 
on  my  back,  which  consisted  of  a  jacket,  shirt,  and  trousers,  a 
pair  of  old  shoes,  and  a  handkerchief  served  me  for  a  hat,  and 
had  more  than  two  months,  for  I  lost  my  hat  the  day  we  were 
taken,  from  the  main-top-gallant-yard,  furling  the  top-gallant- 
sail.  My  clothes,  I  forgot  to  mention,  were  completely  laced 
with  locomotive  tinsel,  and  moved,  as  if  by  instinct,  in  all 
directions  ;  but  as  my  mother  was  not  fond  of  such  company, 
she  furnished  me  with  a  suit  of  my  father's,  who  was  absent 
at  sea,  and  condemned  my  laced  suit  for  the  benefit  of  all 
concerned. 

Being  then  in  the  prime  of  youth,  about  eighteen  years  of 
age,  and  naturally  of  a  roving  disposition,  I  could  not  bear  the 
idea  of  being  idle  at  home.  I  therefore  proceeded  to  Provi- 
dence, Ehode  Island,  and  shipping  on  board  the  brig  Betsey 
and  Polly,  Captain  Robert  Folger,  bound  for  Virginia  and 
Amsterdam,  we  sailed  from  Newport  early  in  February,  1783  ; 
and  were  taken  five  days  after  off  the  capes  of  Virginia,  by  the 
Fair  American  privateer,  of  this  port,  mounting  sixteen  sixes, 
and  having  eighty-five  men,  commanded  by  one  Burton,  a 
refugee,  most  of  whose  officers  were  of  the  same  stamp.  "We 
were  immediately  handcuffed  two  and  two,  and  ordered  into 
the  hold  in  the  cable-tier.    Having  been  plundered  of  our 


APPENDIX.  123 

beds  and  bedding,  the  softest  bed  we  had  was  the  soft  side  of 
a  water  cask  and  the  coils  of  a  cable.  The  Fair  American 
baring  been  handsomely  dressed  by  an  United  States  vessel  of 
one  half  of  her  force,  was  obliged  to  put  into  Xew- York,  then 
in  possession  of  the  British  enemy,  to  rent ;  and  we  arrived 
within  the  Hook  about  the  beginning  of  March,  and  were  put 
on  board  a  pilot  boat  and  brought  tip  to  this  city.  The  boat 
hauled  along  side  of  the  Crane- wharf,  where  we  had  our  irons 
knocked  off,  the  marks  of  which  I  carry  to  this  day  ;  and  were 
put  on  board  the  same  schooner  Relief  mentioned  in  a  former 
part  of  this  narrative,  and  sent  up  once  more  to  the  prison- 
ship.  It  was  just  three  months  from  my  leaving  the  old  Jersey, 
to  my  being  again  a  prisoner  on  board  of  her ;  and  on  my 
return  I  found. but  very  few  of  those  whom  I  had  left  three 
months  before  ;  some  had  made  their  escape  ;  some  had  been 
exchanged ;  out  the  greater  part  had  taken  up  their  abode 
under  the  surface  of  that  hill  which  you  can  see  from  your 
windows,  where  their  bones  are  mouldering  to  dust,  and 
mingling  with  mother  earth;  a  lesson  to  Americans,  written  ix 
capitals,  ox  British  cruelty  axd  ixjtstice.  I  found,  on  my 
return  on  board  the  Jersey,  more  prisoners  than  when  I  left 
her  ;  and  she  being  so  crowded,  they  were  obliged  to  send  about 
two  hundred  of  us  on  board  the  John,  a  transport  ship  of  about 
three  hundred  tons.  There  we  were  treated  worse,  if  possible, 
than  on  board  the  Jersey  ;  and  our  accommodations  were  infi- 
nitely worse,  for  the  Jersey  being  an  old  condemned  sixty-four 
gun  ship,  had  two  tier  of  ports  fore  and  aft,  air  ports  and  large 


124  APPENDIX. 

hatchways,  which  gave  a  pretty  free  circulation  of  air  through 
the  ship;  whereas  the  John  "being  a  merchant  shij),  and  with 
small  hatchways,  and  no  ports,  and  the  hatches  laid  down  every 
night,  and  no  man  allowed  during  the  night  to  go  on  deck,  all 
exonerations  were  of  course  made  below  ;  the  effluvia  arising 
from  these,  together  with  the  already  contaminated  air  occa- 
sioned by  the  breath  of  so  many  people  so  pent  vp  together, 
was  enough  to  destroy  men  of  the  most  healthy  and  robust 
constitutions.  All  the  time  I  was  on  board  this  ship  not 
a  prisoner  eat  his  allowance,  bad  as  it  was,  cooked,  more  than 
three  or  four  times  ;  but  eat  it  raw  as  it  came  out  of  the  barrel. 
These,  Sir,  are  stubborn  facts  that  cannot  be  controverted. 
In  the  middle  of  this  ship,  between  decks,  was  raised  a  plat- 
form of  boards  about  two  and  a  half  feet  high,  for  those 
prisoners  to  sleep  on  who  had  no  hammocks.  On  this  they 
used  frequently  to  sit  and  play  at  cards  to  pass  the  time.  One 
night  in  particular,  several  of  us  sat  to  see  them  play  till  about 
ten  o'clock,  and  then  retired  to  our  hammocks,  and  left  them 
playing ;  about  one  A.  M.  we  were  called  and  told  that  one 
Bird  was  dying ;  we  turned  out  and  went  to  where  he  lay, 
and  found  him  just  expiring.  Thus,  at  ten  P.  M.  this  young 
man  was  apparently  as  well  as  any  of  us,  and  at  one  A.  M.  had 
paid  the  debt  to  nature.  Many  others  went  off  in  the  same 
way.  It  will  perhaps  be  said  that  men  may  die  suddenly  any 
where.  True  ;  but  do  they  die  suddenly  any  where  from  the 
same  cause  ?  After  all  these  things,  it  is,  I  think,  impossible 
for  the  mind  to  form  any  other  conclusion  than  that  there  was 


APPENDIX.  125 

a  premeditated  design  to  destroy  as  many  Americans  as  they 
could  on  board  of  their  prison-ships ;  the  treatment  of  the 
prisoners  warrants  the  conclusion ;  but  it  is  mean,  base  and 
cowardly,  to  endeavour  to  conquer  an  enemy  by  such  infamous 
means,  and  truly  characteristic  of  base  and  cowardly  wretches. 
The  truly  brave  will  always  treat  their  prisoners  well.  There 
were  two  or  three  hospital  ships  near  the  prison  ships ;  and 
so  soon  as  any  of  the  prisoners  complained  of  being  sick,  they 
were  sent  on  board  of  one  of  them  ;  and  I  verily  believe  that 
not  one  out  of  a  hundred  ever  returned  or  recovered.  I  am 
sure  I  never  knew  but  one  to  recover.  Almost  (and  in  fact  I 
believe  I  may  safely  say)  every  morning  a  large  boat  from  each 
of  the  hospital  ships  went  loaded  with  dead  bodies,  which  were 
all  tumbled  together  into  a  hole  dug  for  the  purpose,  on  the  hill 
ichere  the  national  navy-yard  now  is.  A  singular  affair  hap- 
pened on  board  of  one  of  those  hospital-ships,  and  no  less  true 
than  singular.  All  the  prisoners  that  died  after  the  boat  with 
the  load  had  gone  ashore,  were  sewed  up  in  hammocks,  and 
left  on  deck  till  the  next  morning.  As  usual,  a  great  number 
had  thus  been  disposed  of.  In  the  morning,  while  employed 
in  loading  the  boat,  one  of  the  seamen  perceived  motion  in  one 
of  the  hammocks,  just  as  they  were  about  launching  it  down 
the  board  placed  for  that  purpose  from  the  gunwale  of  the 

ship  into  the  boat,  and  exclaimed,  D n  my  eyes,  that  fellow 

is  not  dead ;  and,  if  I  have  been  rightly  informed,  and  I  believe 
I  have,  there  was  quite  a  dispute  between  this  man  and  the 
others  about  it.     They  swore  he  was  dead  enough,  and  should 


12G  APPENDIX. 

go  into  the  boat;  lie  swore  he  should  not  be  launched,  as  they 
termed  it,  and  took  his  knife  and  ripped  open  the  hammock, 
and  behold !  the  man  was  really  alive.  There  had  been  a 
heavy  rain  during  the  night,  and  as  the  vital  functions  had 
not  totally  ceased,  but  were  merely  suspended  in  consequence 
of  the  main  spring  being  out  of  order,  this  seasonable  moisten- 
ing must  have  given  tone  and  elasticity  to  the  great  spring, 
which  must  have  communicated  to  the  lesser  ones,  and  put 
the  whole  machinery  again  in  motion.  You  know  better 
about  these  things  than  I  do,  and  can  better  judge  of  the 
cause  of  the  re-animation  of  this  man  from  the  circumstances 
mentioned.  He  was  a  native  of  Rhode-Island  ;  his  name  was 
Gavot.  He  went  to  Rhode-Island  in  the  same  flag  of  truce 
with  me  about  a  month  afterwards.  I  felt  extremely  ill,  but 
made  out  to  keep  about  till  I  got  home  (my  parents  then  lived 
on  the  island  of  Nantucket) ;  wras  then  taken  down,  and  lay 
in  my  bed  six  weeks  in  the  most  deplorable  situation ;  my 
body  was  swelled  to  a  great  degree,  and  my  legs  were  as  big 
round  as  my  body  now  is,  and  affected  with  the  most  excruci- 
ating pains.  What  my  disorder  was  I  will  not  pretend  to  say ; 
but  Dr.  Tupper,  quite  an  eminent  physician,  and  a  noted  tory, 
who  attended  me,  declared  to  my  mother  that  he  knew  of 
nothing  that  would  operate  in  the  manner  that  my  disorder 
did  but  poison.  For  the  truth  of  this  I  refer  to  my  father  and 
brothers,  and  to  Mr.  Henry  Coffin,  father  to  Captain  Peter 
Coffin,  of  the  Manchester  Packet  of  this  port. 
Thus,  Sir,  in  some  haste,  without  much  attention  to  order 


APPENDIX.  127 

or  diction,  I  have  given  you  part  of  the  history  of  my  life  and 
sufferings ;  but  I  endeavoured  to  hear  them  as  became  an 
American.  And  I  must  mention,  before  I  close,  to  the  ever- 
lasting honour  of  those  unfortunate  Americans  who  were  on 
board  the  Jersey  prison-ship,  that  notwithstanding  the  savage 
treatment  they  received,  and  death  staring  them  in  the  face, 
every  attempt  (which  was  very  frequent)  that  the  British 
made  to  persuade  them  to  enter  on  board  their  ships  of  war 
or  in  their  army,  was  treated  with  the  utmost  contempt ;  and 
I  never  knew,  while  I  was  on  board,  but  one  instance  of 
defection,  and  that  person  was  hooted  at  and  abused  by  the 
prisoners  till  the  boat  was  out  of  hearing.  The  patriotism  in 
preferring  such  treatment,  and  even  death  in  its  most  frightful 
shapes,  to  the  serving  the  British,  and  fighting  against  their 
own  country,  has  seldom  been  equalled,  certainly  never 
excelled.  And  if  there  be  no  monument  raised  with  hands 
to  commemorate  the  virtue  of  those  men,  it  is  stamped 
in  capitals  on  the  heart  of  every  American  acquainted  with 
their  merit  and  sufferings,  and  will  there  remain  so  long  as  the 
blood  flows  from  its  fountain. 

Medical  Repository,  Vol.  xi.,  or  Vol.  v.  of2dHexade,pp.  260-267. 


GENERAL     RURGOYNE 


T  H  E 

N  A  R "R  A  T I  V  E 

OF 

Ebenezer  Fletcher, 

A    SOLDIER    OF    THE    REVOLUTION, 
Written  by  Himself. 

WITH 

AX   INTRODUCTION   AND   NOTES, 

BY 

CHARLES  I.  BUSHNELL. 


NEW    YORK  : 

PRIVATELY      PRINTED. 
—  1866.— 


Entered,    according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1866,   by 

CHARLES     I.     BUSHNELL, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the 
Southern  District  of  New  York. 


TO 


DEXTER   FLETCHER, 


OK    MOUNT   VEKNON,   N.  H.. 


THE        ELDEST        SURVIVING        SON        OF 


EBENEZER   FLETCHER. 


THIS    TRACT 


IS      RESPECTFULLY 


DEDICATED. 


INTRODUCTION 


IBBNEZER  FLETCHER,  the  author  of  the 

following  narrative,  was  the  son  of  John 
Fletcher,  and  was  born  in  New  Ipswich,  in 
the  State  of  New  Hampshire,  on  the  fifth  day  of  February, 
1761.  His  mother's  maiden  name  was  Elizabeth  Foster. 
She  was  the  daughter  of  Abijah  Foster,  a  farmer  of  New 
Ipswich,  and  one  of  the  first  settlers  of  the  place. 

After  receiving  the  rudiments  of  a  plain,  common  school 
education,  our  author,  when  about  fourteen  years  of  age, 
was  placed  under  the  care  of  Samuel  Cummings,  of  New 
Ipswich,  who  built  and  then  owned  the  mills  at  Mill 
Village.  He  continued  with  him  until  the  spring  of  the 
year  1171,  when  he  enlisted  as  a  fifer  in  Capt.  Carr's 
company,  in  the  battalion  commanded  by  Col.  Nathan 
Hale,  of  New  Hampshire  troops,  to  serve  for  the  period  of 


6  INTRODUCTION. 

three  years.  The  battalion  marched  soon  after  to  Ticon- 
deroga,  and  composed  for  a  while  a  part  of  the  garrison  of 
that  fort  ;  but  on  the  approach  of  General  Bnrgoyne,  the 
army  evacuated  the  post,  and  while  on  their  retreat,  were 
overtaken  by  the  enemy  at  Hubbardton,  where  a  sharp 
action  took  place,  in  which  Mr.  Fletcher  was  severely 
wounded  and  taken  prisoner.  He  continued  with  the 
British  for  a  few  weeks,  when,  having  partially  recovered 
from  his  wounds,  he  succeeded  in  effecting  his  escape,  and 
after  severe  trials  in  the  wilderness  and  among  the  moun- 
tains, without  food  or  company,  he  at  length  reached  the 
house  of  a  friend,  where  he  remained  a  few  days,  and  then 
returned  to  his  home.  On  recovering  his  health,  he 
rejoined  his  company,  and  served  the  remaining  part  of  his 
term  of  enlistment,  being,  in  the  fall  of  1779,  in  the  mem- 
orable Indian  expedition  under  the  command  of  General 
Sullivan,  and  receiving  his  discharge  from  the  army  on  the 
twentieth  day  of  March  of  the  following  year. 

On  his  return  from  the  war,  he  again  entered  the  service 
of  Mr.  Cummings,  his  former  employer,  and  after  remaining 
with  him  a  while,  he  at  length  purchased  from  him  the 
mills  at  Mill  Village,  and  carried  them  on  successfully  for  a 
number  of  years.  He  subsequently  engaged  in  the  business 
of  trunk  making,  which  occupation  he  pursued  until  within 
a  short  period  of  his  decease. 


INTRODUCTION.  7 

Mr.  Fletcher  was  twice  married.  His  first  wife  was  Miss 
Polly  Cummings,  an  estimable  lady,  and  the  daughter  of 
Mr.  Samuel  Cnmmings,  before  named.  She  was  born  in 
New  Ipswich,  on  the  sixteenth  of  December,  1758,  was 
married  in  1786,  and  died  on  the  twenty-sixth  day  of  Feb- 
ruary, in  the  year  1812.  By  her,  Mr.  Fletcher  had  six 
suns  and  six  daughters.  His  second  wife  was  Mrs.  Mary 
Foster,  widow  of  Nathaniel  Foster,  of  Ashby,  Mass.,  and 
daughter  of  Asa  Kendall,  whose  occupation  was  that  of  a 
farmer.  This  lady  was  born  in  Dunstable,  Mass.,  on  the 
twenty-ninth  of  December,  1766,  became  the  wife  of  Mr. 
Fletcher  in  the  month  of  June,  1812,  aud  died  in  Winchen- 
don,  Mass.,  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  January,  1851.  By 
this  union,  there  was  no  issue. 

Mr.  Fletcher  was  short  in  stature,  being  but  about  five 
feet  three  inches  tall,  and  proportionably  slim,  but  remarka- 
bly active  in  his  movements.  He  had  blue  eyes  and  fair 
complexion,  and  his  features  were  small  and  delicate.  He 
was  amiable  in  his  disposition,  modest  in  his  deportment, 
and,  though  a  man  of  few  words,  he  was  cheerful,  kind 
hearted,  and  a  good  friend  to  the  poor.  Although  always 
sustaining  a  moral,  Christian  character,  yet  he  does  not 
seem  to  have  made  a  public  profession  of  religion  until  the 
year  1813.  He  was  then  baptised  by  immersion,  and 
joined  the  close  communion  Baptists  of  his  native  place. 


8  INTRODUCTION. 

He  was  fond  of  singing,  and,  at  church,  lie  usually  sat  with 
the  choir.  He  was  an  exemplary  professor  of  religion,  and 
was  noted  for  his  industry,  and  his  strict  integrity. 

After  a  life  of  activity  and  usefulness,  he  died  in  New 
Ipswich,  on  the  eighth  day  of  May,  1831,  in  the  71st  year 
of  his  age,  in  the  hope  of  a  blessed  immortality.  The  Rev. 
Asaph  Merriam,  then  pastor  of  the  Baptist  meeting-house, 
preached  his  funeral  sermon,  taking  his  text  from  the  37th 
chap.  Psalms,  37th  verse — "  Mark  the  perfect  man,  and 
behold  the  upright :  for  the  end  of  that  man  is  peace."  The 
remains  of  the  deceased,  followed  by  a  large  number  of  rela- 
tives and  friends,  were  then  conveyed  to  the  burial  ground 
in  Mill  Tillage,  being  the  southerly  part  of  the  town  of 
New  Ipswich,  where  they  were  committed  to  their  kindred 
dust.  A  plain,  but  neat  tombstone,  bearing  his  name,  age 
and  time  of  decease,  marks  the  spot  of  his  repose. 

In  conclusion,  we  would  state  that  the  narrative,  written 
by  himself,  of  his  adventures  during  the  Revolutionary  war, 
was  originally  published  in  the  year  1813.  In  1827  a  fourth 
edition  had  appeared.  This  was  reproduced  on  the  30th 
day  of  January,  1863,  in  the  columns  of  the  "Sentinel," 
a  newspaper  published  in  Fitchburg,  Massachusetts.  The 
present  issue  has  been  taken  from  one  of  the  original 
imprints  of  1827,  that  being  the  author's  last  revised  and 
most  improved  edition. 


GENERAL     PHASER. 


ilXBlB^^nT 


OF    THE 


CAPTIVITY    &    SUFFERINGS 


Ebenezer  Fletcher, 

OF  NEW-IPSWICH, 

Who  zvas  severely  wounded  and  taken  prisoner  at  the  battle  of 
Hubbardston,  Vt.,  in  the  year  1777,  by  the  British  and 
Indians,  at  the  age  of  1 6  years,  after  recovering  in 
part,  made  his  escape  from  the  enemy,  and 
travelling  through  a  dreary  wilderness,  fol- 
lowed by  wolves,  and  beset  by  Tories  on 
his  ivay,  zvho  threatened  to  take  him 
back  to  the  enemy,  but  made  his  es- 
cape from  them  all,  and  arrived 
safe  home. 


Written    by  himself,  and    published    at    the    request    of  his 
frisnds. 


FOURTH    EDITION. 

REVISED   AND    ENLARGED. 

NEW-IPSWICH,  N.    H. 

PRINTED     BY     S.     WILDER. 

—  1827.— 


N  A  R  R  ATIVB. 


EBENEZER  FLETCHER,  enlisted 
into  the  Continental  Army,  in  Capt. 
Carr's(i)  Company,  (s)  in  Col.  Nathan 
Hale's (3)  Regiment, (4)  as  a  filer,  and  joined  the 
Army  at  Ticonderoga,  (»)  under  the  command  of 
Gen.  St.  Clair,  (e)  in  the  spring  of  1777,  at  which 
place  I  was  stationed  till  the  retreat  of  the  Army 
on  the  6th  of  Jnly  following.  (?) 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  same  day,  orders 
came  to  strike  our  tents  and  swing  our  packs.  It 
was  generally  conjectured  that  we  were  going  to 
battle ;   but   orders  came   immediately   to   march. 


12  NARRATIVE. 

We  marched  some  distance  before  light.  By  sun- 
rise the  enemy  had  landed  from  their  boats,  and 
pursued  us  so  closely  as  to  fire  on  our  rear.  A 
large  body  of  the  enemy  followed  us  all  day,  but 
kept  so  far  behind  as  not  to  be  wholly  discovered. 
Their  aim  was  to  attack  us  suddenly  next  morning, 
as  they  did. 

Having  just  recovered,  from  the  measles,  and  not 
being  able  to  march  with  the  main  body,  I  fell  in 
the  rear.  The  morning  after  onr  retreat,  orders  came 
very  early  for  the  troops  to  refresh  and  be  ready 
for  marching.  Some  were  eating,  some  were  cook- 
ing, and  all  in  a  very  unfit  posture  for  battle.  .Just 
as  the  sun  rose,  there  was  a  cry,  "  the  enemy  are 
upon  us."  Looking,  round  I  saw  the  enemy  in  line 
of  battle.  Orders  came  to  lay  down  our  packs  and 
be  ready  for  action.  The  fire  instantly  began,  (e) 
We  were  but  few  in  number  compared  to  the 
enemy.  At  the  commencement  of  the  battle,  many 
of  our  party  retreated  back  into  the  woods.  Capt. 
Carr  came  up  and  says,  "My  lads  advance,  we 
shall  beat  them  yet."  A  few  of  us  followed  him  in 
view  of  the  enemy.  Every  man  was  trying  to 
secure   himself  behind   girdled   trees,  which  were 


NAKEATIYE.  13 

standing  on  the  place  of  action.  I  made  shelter  for 
myself  and  discharged  my  piece.  Having  loaded 
again  and  taken  aim,  my  piece  missed  tire.  I 
brought  the  same  a  second  time  to  my  face ;  bnt 
before  I  had.  time  to  discharge  it,  I  received  a  mus- 
ket ball  in  the  small  of  my  back,  and  fell  with  my 
gun  cocked.  My  uncle,  Daniel  Foster,*  standing 
but  little  distance  from  me,  I  made  out  to  crawl  to 
him  and.  spoke  to  him.  He  and  another  man  lifted 
me  and  carried  me  back  some  distance  and  laid  me 
down  behind  a  large  tree,  where  was  another  man 
crying  out  most  bitterly  with  a  grievous  wound. 
By  this  time  I  had  bled  so  freely,  I  was  very  weak 
and  faint.  I  observed  the  enemy  were  like  to  gain 
the  ground.  Our  men  began  to  retreat  and  the 
enemy  to  advance.  Having  no  friend  to  afford  me 
any  relief,  every  one  taking  care  of  himself,  all 
things  looked  very  shocking  to  me ;  to  remain 
where  I  was  and  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
especially  in  the  condition  I  was  in,  expecting  to 
receive  no  mercy,  it  came  int<:>  my  mind  t«»  con- 
ceal myself  from  them  if  possible.     I  made  use  of 

*  All  we  know  of  this  person  is  that  he  came  from  Concord,  in  the 
county  of  Merrimac  and  State  of  New  Hampshire. — Ed. 


14  NARRATIVE. 

my  hands  and  knees,  as  well  as  I  could,  and  crawled 
about  two  rods  among  some  small  brush,  and  got 
under  a  log.  Here  I  lay  concealed  from  the 
enemy,  who  came  instantly  to  the  place  I  lay 
wounded  at.  What  became  of  my  distressed  part- 
ner I  know  not.  The  enemy  pursued  our  men  in 
great  haste.  Some  of  them  came  over  the  log 
where  I  lay.  Some  came  so  near  I  could  almost 
touch  then].  I  was  not  discovered  by  the  enemy 
till  the  battle  was  over.  When  they  were  picking 
up  the  dead  and  wounded  among  the  brush  and 
logs,  I  heard  them  coming  towards  me.  and  began 
to  be  much  terrified,  lest  I  should  be  found.  I 
flattered  myself  that  our  men  would  come  back 
after  the  battle  was  over  and  take  me  off;  but  to 
my  great  surprise,  two  of  the  enemy  came  so  nigh, 
I  heard  one  of  them  say,  "  Here  is  one  of  the 
rebels."  I  lay  flat  on  my  face  across  my  hands, 
rolled  in  my  blood.  I  dared  not  stir,  being  afraid 
they  meant  me,  by  saying,  "here  is  one  of  the 
rebels."  They  soon  came  to  me,  and  pulled  off  my 
shoes,  supposing  me  to  be  dead.  I  looked  up  and 
spoke,  telling  them  I  was  their  prisoner,  and  begged 
to  be  used  well.      "Damn  you,"  says   one,  "you 


NARRATIVE.  15 

deserve  to  be  used  well,  don't  you?  What's  such 
a  young  rebel  as  you  fighting  for?"  One  of  these 
men  was  an  officer,  who  appeared  to  be  a  pretty 
sort  of  a  man.  lie  spoke  to  the  soldier,  who  had 
taken  my  shoes,  and  says,  "  Give  back  the  shoes 
and  help  the  man  into  camp."  My  shoes  were 
given  back  by  the  soldier  according  to  order.  The 
soldier  then  raised  me  upon  my  feet,  and  conducted 
me  to  the  British  camp.  Here  I  found  a  number 
of  my  brother  soldiers  in  the  same  situation  as 
myself.  I  was  laid  on  the  ground  and  remained  in 
this  posture  till  the  afternoon,  before  my  wound 
was  dressed.  Two  Doctors  came  to  my  assistance. 
They  raised  me  up,  and  examined  my  back.  One 
of  them  said,  "My  lad,  you  stood  a  narrow  chance; 
had  the  ball  gone  in  or  out  half  its  bigness,  you 
must  have  been  killed  instantly.'1  I  asked  him  if 
he  thought  there  was  any  prospect  of  my  getting 
well  again.  lie  answered,  "  There  is  some  pros- 
pect." I  concluded  by  his  reply,  he  considered  my 
case  hazardous.  The  Doctors  appeared  to  be  very 
kind  and  faithful.  They  pulled  several  pieces  of  my 
clothes  from  my  wound,  which  were  forced  in  by 
the  ball  I  received. 


16  NARRATIVE. 

Some  of  the  enemy  were  very  kind ;  while  others 
were  very  spiteful  and  malicious.  One  of  them 
came  and  took  my  silver  shoe-buckles  and  left  me 
an  old  pair  of  brass  ones,  and  said  exchange  icas  no 
robbery ;  but  I  thought  it  robbery  at  a  high  rate. 
Another  came  and  took  off  my  neck  handkerchief. 
An  old  negro  came  and  took  my  fife,  which  I 
considered  as  the  greatest  insult  I  had  received 
while  with  the  enemy.  The  Indians  often  came 
and  abused  me  with  their  language:  calling  us 
Yankees  and  rebels ;  but  they  were  not  allowed  to 
injure  us.  I  was  stripped  of  everything  valuable 
about  me. 

The  enemy  soon  marched  back  to  Ticonderoga, 
and  left  only  a  few  to  take  care  of  the  wounded.  I 
was  treated  as  well  as  I  could  expect.  Doctor  Haze 
was  the  head  Doctor,  and  he  took  true  care  that  the 
prisoners  were  well  treated.  Doctor  Blocksom,  an 
under  surgeon,  appeared  to  be  very  kind  indeed  : 
he  was  the  one  who  had  the  care  of  me :  he  never 
gave  me  any  insulting  or  abusive  language  ;  he 
sometimes  would  say,  "  Well,  my  lad,  think  you'll 
be  willing  to  list  in  the  King's  service,  if  you  should 
get    well  ?"      My    answer    was    always    no.      The 


NARRATIVE.  17 

officers  would  flatter  me  to  list  in  their  service; 
telling  me  they  were  very  sure  to  conquer  the 
country,  since  tlicy  had  got  our  strongest  post.  I 
told  them  I  should  not  list- 
But  among  all  the  troubles  1  met  with,  I  received 
particular  favors  from  two  of  the  British.  This 
conduct  appeared  to  me  very  remarkable ;  why 
or  wherefore  it  should  be  I  knew  not;  but  He  who 
hath  the  hearts  of  all  men  in  his  hands,  gave  me 
favor  in  their  sight.  They  would  often  visit  me, 
and  asked  me  if  I  wanted  anything  to  eat  or  drink. 
If  I  did,  I  had  it.  The  first  time  one  of  these 
friends  came  to  me,  was  soon  after  I  was  brought  to 
the  camp. 

As  I  lay  on  the  ground,  he  asked  me  if  I  did 
not  want  a  bed  to  lie  on:  I  told  him  I  did:  he 
went  and  got  a  large  hemlock  bark,  and  finding 
many  old  coats  and  overalls,  taken  from  the  dead 
and  wounded,  he  put  them  in  the  bark,  made  me  a 
bed,  and  laid  me  into  it.  He  built  a  shelter  over 
me  with  barks,  to  keep  the  rain  from  me,  which  was 
a  great  kindness,  as  it  rained  exceeding  hard  the 
next  night.  He  went  to  a  spring,  and  brought  me 
water  as  often  as  I  wanted,  which  was  very  often, 


IS  NAKKATIVE. 

being  very  dry:  my  loss  of  blood  occasioning  much 
thirst.  He  asked  me,  also,  if  I  wanted  to  eat.  I 
answered  yes  :  for  having  eat  but  little  that  day,  I 
was  very  faint  and  hungry.     He  told  me  he  did  not 

know  as  it  was  in  his  power  to  procure  anything 
for  me,  but  would  go  and  try.  After  an  absence  of 
considerable  time  (certainly  the  time  seemed  long) 
he  returned  with  a  piece  of  broiled  pork  and 
broiled  liver,  telling  me  this  was  all  the  food  he 
could  get :  I  thanked  him,  and  told  him  it  was  very 
good. 

The  next  day  he  came  and  told  me  he  had  orders 
to  march,  and  must  therefore  leave  me :  was  very 
sorry  he  could  stay  no  longer  with  me,  but  hoped 
somebody  would  take  care  of  me ;  taking  me  by 
the  hand  he  wished  me  well  and  left  me. 

The  loss  of  so  good  a  friend  grieved  me  exceed- 
ingly ;  but  I  soon  heard  that  my  other  friend  was 
ordered  to  stay  behind  to  help  take  care  of  the 
wounded.  My  spirits,  which  before  were  very 
much  depressed,  when  I  heard  of  this,  were  much 
exhilarated;  and  once  more  I  felt  tolerably  happy. 
The  difference  in  mankind  never  struck  me  more 
sensibly  than  while  a  prisoner.      Some  would  do 


NARRATIVE.  19 

everything  in  their  power  to  make  me  comfortable 
and  cheerful  ;  while  others  abused  me  with  the 
vilest  of  language ;  telling  me  that  the  prisoners 
would  all  be  hanged  ;  that  they  would  drive  all  the 
damned  rebels  into  the  sea,  and  that  their  next 
winter  charters  would  be  in  Boston.  They  cer- 
tainly wintered  in  Boston  ;  but  to  their  great 
disappointment  and  chagrin,  as  prisoners  of  war. 

But  to  return.  My  wound  being  now  a  little 
better,  I  began  to  think  of  escaping  from  the 
enemy.  Two  of  my  fellow- prisoners  agreed  to 
accompany  me  ;  one  of  them  being  well  accpiainted 
with  the  way  to  Otter  Creek.  (»)  This  plan,  how- 
ever, failed  ;  for  before  we  had  an  opportunity  for 
making  our  escape,  Doctor  Haze  called  ujjon  my 
companions  to  be  ready  to  march  for  Ticonderoga : 
telling  them  that  the  next  morning  they  must  leave 
this  place.  Thus  I  found,  that  as  soon  as  the 
prisoners  were  able  to  ride,  they  were  ordered 
to  Ticonderoga.  Being  thus  disappointed  I  begged 
of  the  Doctor  to  let  me  go  with  them.  Says  he, 
"  You  are  very  dangerously  wounded,  and  it  is 
improper  for  you  to  ride  so  far  yet ;  but  as  soon  as 
you  are  able  you  shall  go."     Being  thus  defeated  I 


20  NARRATIVE. 

again  resolved  to  run  away,  even  if  I  went  alone, 
and  it  was  not  long  before  I  had  an  opportunity. 
As  all  the  prisoners  were  sent  oif  except  such 
as  were  badly  wounded,  they  thought  it  unneces- 
sary to  guard  us  very  closely.  I  soon  was  able  to 
go  to  the  spring,  which  was  at  a  little  distance 
from  the  camp.  Thither  I  often  went  for  water  for 
myself  and  the  Hessians,  (m)  who,  by  the  way, 
appeared  to  be  pleased  with  me.  I  often  waited 
upon  them,  brought  them  water,  made  their  beds, 
&c,  and  found  my  fare  the  better  for  it.  I  often 
walked  out  into  the  woods  where  the  battle  was 
fought ;  went  to  the  tree  where  I  Avas  shot  down, 
observed  the  trees  which  were  very  much  marked 
with  the  balls.  Looking  around  one  day,  I  found 
some  leaves  of  a  Bible ;  these  I  carried  into  the 
camp,  and  diverted  myself  by  reading  them  ;  for  I 
felt  much  more  contented  when  I  had  something 
to  read.  My  friend,  whom  I  have  before  men- 
tioned, one  day  brought  me  a  very  good  book, 
which  he  told  me  to  keep  as  a  present  from  him. 
This  I  heartily  thanked  him  for,  and  whenever 
I  was  tired  by  walking  would  lay  down  and 
read. 


NARRATIVE.  '         21 

On  the  22d  of  July,  a  number  of  men  came  down 
from  Ticonderoga,  with  horses  and  litters  sufficient 
to  carry  off  the  remainder  of  the  wounded.  Doctor 
Haze  came  to  us  and  told  us,  that  to-morrow  we 
should  all  be  carried  where  we  should  have  better 
care  taken  of  ns.  Says  he,  "  I  will  send  the 
orderly  sergeant,  who  will  see  that  your  bloody 
.  clothes  are  well  washed."  This  he  thought  would 
be  very  agreeable  news  to  us.  I  pretended  to  be 
very  much  pleased,  though  I  was  determined  never 
to  go.  I  told  the  person  who  lay  next  to  me  that  I 
intended  to  run  away ;  desired  him  to  make  them 
believe  I  had  taken  the  north  road,  if  they  inclined 
to  pursue  me,  for  I  should  take  the  south.  Says 
he,  "  I  will  do  all  in  my  power  to  assist  you,  and 
wish  it  was  possible  for  me  to  go  with  you." 

I  made  it  my  business  that  day  to  procure  pro- 
visions sufficient  for  my  journey.  I  had  spared  a 
little  bread  from  my  daily  allowance,  and  although 
dry  and  mouldy,  yet  it  was  the  best  to  be  had.  I 
had  a  large  jack-knife  left  of  which  the  enemy  had 
not  robbed  me  ;  I  sold  this  for  a  pint  of  wine,  think- 
ing it  would  do  me  more  good  on  my  march  than 
the  knife,  as  the  event  proved.     The  wine  I  put  in 


22  NARRATIVE. 

a  bottle,  and  carefully  stowed  it  in  my  pocket.  I 
was  bard  put  to  it  to  get  my  shirt  washed  and  dried 
before  evening.  However,  agreeing  with  some  to 
make  their  beds  if  they  would  dry  my  shirt,  it  was 
ready  to  put  on  by  dark.  I  then  went  to  my  tent, 
took  off*  my  coat  and  jacket,  and  put  on  my  clean 
shirt  over  my  dirty  one,  and  having  filled  my 
pockets  with  the  little  provision  I  had  saved,  I, 
began  to  march  bomeward  sboeless  ;  reflecting  what 
I  should  do  for  so  material  a  part  of  my  clotbing. 
It  came  into  my  mind  that  one  Jonathan  Lambart 
bad  died  of  bis  wounds  a  day  or  two  before  and  left 
a  good  pair  of  shoes.  Supposing  my  right  to  them 
equal  to  any  otber  person,  I  took  them  and'  put 
them  on. 

It  being  dark,  I  went  out  undiscovered,  and 
steered  into  the  woods.  After  going  a  little  way,  I 
turned  into  the  road  and  made  a  halt.  Now  was 
the  trying  scene  !  The  night  being  very  dark, 
everything  before  me  appeared  gloomy  and  dis- 
couraging ;  my  wound  was  far  from  being  healed ; 
my  strength  much  reduced  by  the  loss  of  blood, 
pain  and  poor  living ;  thus  situated,  to  travel  alone, 
I  knew  not  where,  having  no  knowledge  of  the  way, 


NARRATIVE.  23 

I  thought  would  be  highly  presumptuous.  How 
far  I  should  have  to  travel  before  I  could  reach  any 
inhabitants,  I  could  not  tell :  Indians,  I  supposed, 
were  lurking  about,  and  probably  I  might  be  beset 
by  them  and  murdered  or  carried  back :  and  if  I 
avoided  them,  perhaps  I  might  perish  in  the 
wilderness. 

Reflecting  upon  these  things,  my  resolution 
began  to  flag,  and  I  thought  it  most  prudent  to 
return  and  take  my  fate.  I  turned  about  and  went 
back  a  few  rods,  when  the  following  words  struck 
me  as  if  whispered  in  my  ear  :  Put  not  your  hands 
to  the  plough  and  look  hack.  I  immediately  turned 
about  again,  fully  resolved  to  pursue  my  journey 
through  the  woods ;  but  before  morning,  had  I 
been  possessed  of  millions  of  gold,  I  would  freely 
have  given  the  whole  to  have  been  once  more  with 
the  enemy.  The  road  which  I  had  to  travel,  was 
newly  opened,  leading  from  Hubbardston(n)  to 
Otter-Creek.  The  niffht  beino;  dark  and  the  road 
very  crooked,  I  found  it  very  difficult  to  keep  it ; 
often  running  against  trees  and  rocks,  before  I 
knew  I  was  out  of  it ;  and  then  it  was  with  much 
trouble  that  I  found  it  again,  which  sometimes  I 


24  NARRATIVE. 

was  obliged  to  do  upon  my  hands  and  knees,  and 
often  up  to  my  knees  in  mire. 

About  12  o'clock  I  heard  something  coming 
towards  me;  what  it  could  be  I  knew  not.  I  halted 
and  looked  back ;  it  was  so  dark  I  was  at  a  loss  to 
determine  what  it  was  :  but  thought  it  looked  like 
a  do£.  That  a  do«;  should  be  so  far  from  inhab- 
itants,  I  thought  very  strange.  I  at  once  concluded 
that  he  belonged  to  the  Indians,  and  that  they 
were  not  far  off.  I  however  ventured  to  speak  to 
him,  and  he  immediately  came  to  me;  I  gave  him 
a  piece  of  mouldy  bread,  which  he  eat  and  soon 
appeared  fond  of  me.  At  first  I  was  afraid  he 
would  betray  me  to  the  Indians  ;  but  soon  found 
him  of  service ;  for  I  had  not  gone  far  before  I 
heard  the  noise  of  some  wild  beast.  I  had  just  set 
down  to  rest  me,  with  my  back  against  a  tree, 
my  wound  being  very  painful.  As  the  beast 
approached,  my  clog  appeared  very  much  frighted  ; 
laid  close  down  by  me  and  trembled,  as  if  he 
expected  to  be  torn  in  pieces.  I  now  began  to  be 
much  terrified;  I  however  set  very  still,  knowing  it 
would  do  no  good  to  run.  lie  came  within  two 
rods  of  me,  and  stopped.     I  was  unable  to  deter- 


NAKKATIYE.  25 

mine  what  it  wa>,  but  supposed  it  was  a  wolf.  I 
soon  found  I  was  not  mistaken.  After  looking  at 
me  some  time,  lie  turned  about  and  went  off;  but 
before  long  returned  with  a  large  reinforcement. 
In  his  absence  I  exerted  myself  to  the  utmost  to 
get  forward,  fearing  lie  would  be  after  me  again. 
After  travelling  about  half  an  hour,  I  was  alarmed 
with  the  most  horrible  bowling,  which  I  supposed 
to  be  near  the  tree  which  I  rested  by.  Judge  what 
my  feelings  were,  when  I  found  these  beasts  of  prey 
were  pursuing  me,  and  expected  every  minute  to 
be  devoured  by  them.  But  in  the  midst  of  this 
trouble,  to  my  infinite  joy,  I  discovered  fires  but  a 
little  way  before  me,  which,  from  several  circum- 
stances, I  was  sure  were  not  built  by  Indians ;  I 
therefore  at  once  concluded  they  were  fires  of  some 
scouting  party  of  Americans,  and  I  made  great 
haste  to  get  to  them,  lest  I  should  be  overtaken  by 
the  wolves,  which  were  now  but  a  little  behind.  I 
approached  so  near  the  fires  as  to  hear  men  talk, 
when  I  immediately  discovered  them  to  be  enemies. 
Thus  disappointed  I  knew  not  what  course  to  take  ; 
if  I  continued  in  the  woods,  I  should  be  devoured 
by  wild  beasts ;  for  having  eat  of  the  bodies  which 


26  NARRATIVE. 

were  left  on  the  field  of  battle,  they  continued 
lurking  for  more.  It'  I  gave  myself  up  to  the 
enemy,  I  should  certainly  be  carried  back  to  Ticon- 
deroga,  and  to  Canada,  and  probably  fare  no  better 
for  attempting  to  run  away.  Which  way  to  escape 
I  knew  not;  I  turned  a  little  out  of  the  path  and 
lay  down  on  the  ground  to  hear  what  was  said  by 
the  enemy,  expecting  every  moment  they  would 
discover  me  :  the  darkness  of  the  night,  however, 
prevented.  These  howling  beasts  approached  as 
near  the  fires  as  they  dared,  when  they  halted  and 
continued  their  horrid  yell  for  some  time,  being 
afraid  to  come  so  nigh  as  I  was.  After  the  howling 
had  ceased,  I  began  to  think  of  getting  round  the 
enemy's  camp;  being  pretty  certain  that,  as  yet,  I 
was  not  discovered.  I  arose  from  the  ground  and 
took  a  course,  which  I  thought  would  carry  me 
round  the  enemy's  camp.  After  travelling  a  little 
way,  I  came  to  the  foot  of  a  high  mountain  ;  to  go 
round  it  I  thought  would  carry  me  too  much  out  of 
my  course ;  I  resolved  therefore  to  ascend  it ;  with 
much  difficulty  I  arrived  at  the  top,  then  took  a  tack 
to  the  right ;  travelling  that  course  some  time  I 
found  I  was  bewildered  and  lost,  and  which  way  to 


NARRATIVE.  27 

go  to  find  the  road  again  I  knew  not,  having  neither 
moon  nor  stars  to  direct  ine  ;  so  I  wandered  about 
in  this  wilderness  till  almost  day,  when  I  became  so 
fatigued  and  worried,  that  I  was  obliged  to  lay 
down  again.  Judge  what  a  person's  feelings  must 
be  in  such  a  situation. 

I  now  repented  of  my  ever  leaving  the  enemy. 
Here  I  was  lost  in  the  woods,  with  but  very  little 
provision,  my  wounds  extremely  painful,  and  little 
or  no  prospect  of  ever  seeing  human  beings  again. 
Thus  I  lay  and  reflected,  my  clog  walking  round  me 
like  a  faithful  sentinel,  till  I  fell  asleep ;  but  was 
soon  alarmed  with  the  noise  of  cannon,  which  I 
concluded  by  the  direction  must  be  at  Ticonderoga. 
Never  was  sound  more  grateful  to  my  ears  than 
this  cannon.  I  thought  I  might  possibly  live  to 
reach  the  place,  and  though  an  enemy's  camp, 
I  would  have  given  anything  to  be  with  them 
again . 

Soon  after  the  morning  gun  was  fired,  I  heard 
the  drums  beat  in  the  camp  which  I  had  visited  in 
the  night :  this  noise  was  still  more  grateful,  for  I 
was  sure  they  were  not  at  a  great  distance.  With 
much  difficulty  I  got  upon   my  legs  again,  with 


28  NARRATIVE. 

a  determination  to  go  to  their  camp.  I  found, 
however,  that  I  could  scarcely  stand ;  for  having 
laid  down  when  I  was  very  sweaty,  I  had  taken 
cold,  and  was  so  stiff  and  sore,  that  I  could  hardly 
move.  I  now  had  recourse  to  my  little  bottle  of 
wine,  which  relieved  me  very  much,  and  then 
began  to  march  towards  the  drums,  which  still 
continued  beating. 

After  travelling  a  little  way,  I  heard  a  cock  crow, 
which  appeared  near  the  drums.  I  thought  it 
of  little  consequence  which  object  to  pursue,  both 
being  nearly  in  the  same  direction.  But  the  noise 
of  the  drums  soon  ceased,  and  I  steered  for  the  other 
object,  which  soon  brought  me  into  open  land  and 
in  sight  of  a  house.  I  got  to  the  door  just  as  the 
man  arose  from  his  bed.  After  the  usual  compli- 
ments, I  asked  him  how  far  it  was  to  the  British 
encampments  ?  He  answered  about  fifty  rods. 
"  Do  you  want  to  go  to  them  3"  says  he.  I  never 
was  more  at  a  stand  what  reply  to  make.  As  none 
of  the  enemy  appeared  about  the  house,  I  thought 
if  I  could  persuade  this  man  to  befriend  me,  I 
possibly  might  avoid  them  ;  but  if  he  should  prove 
to  be  a  tory,  and  know  from  whence  I  came,  he 


NARRATIVE.  29 

would  certainly  betray  me.  I  stood  perhaps  a 
minute  without  saying  a  word.  He  seeing  my  con- 
fusion, spoke  again  to  me:  "Come,"  said  he,  "  come 
into  the  house."  I  went  in  and  sat  down.  I  will 
tell  you,  said  I,  what  I  want,  if  you  will  promise 
not  to  hurt  me.  He  replied,  "  I  will  not  injure 
yon,  if  you  do  not  injure  us."  This  answer  did  not 
satisfy  me,  for  as  yet  I  conld  not  tell  whether  he 
would  be  a  friend  or  foe.  I  sat  and  viewed  him 
for  some  minutes,  and  at  last  resolved  to  tell  him 
from  whence  I  came  and  where  I  wished  to  go,  let 
the  event  be  what  it  would.  I  was  a  soldier,  said 
I,  in  the  Continental  army,  was  dangerously  wounded 
and  taken  prisoner,  had  made  my  escape  from  the 
enemy,  and  after  much  fatigue  and  peril,  had  got 
through  the  woods,  being  directed  to  this  house  by 
the  crowing  of  a  cock.  He  smiled  and  said,  "You 
have  been  rightly  directed,  for  had  you  gone  to 
either  of  my  neighbors,  you  undoubtedly  would 
have  been  carried  to  the  enemy  again ;  you  have 
now  found  a  friend,  who  will  if  possible  protect 
you.  It  is  true  they  have  forced  me  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  king  ;  but  I  sincerely  hope 
the  Americans  will  finally  prevail,  for  I  believe 


30  NARRATIVE. 

their  cause  to  be  just  and  equitable  ;  should  they 
know  of  my  harboring  rebels,  as  they  call  us,  I 
certainly  should  suffer  for  it.  Anything  I  can  do 
for  you  without  exposing  my  own  life,  I  will  do." 
I  thanked  him  for  his  kindness,  and  desired  him  not 
to  expose  himself  on  my  account. 

After  giving  me  something  to  eat  and  drink,  he 
concealed  me  in  a  chamber,  where  he  said  I  might 
stay  till  the  dew  was  off'  and  then  go  out  into  some 
secret  place  in  the  bushes,  there  to  continue  till 
night :  this  he  said  was  necessary,  as  the  enemy 
were  often  plundering  about  his  house,  and  if  I  con- 
tinued in  it,  I  should  probably  be  discovered, 
which  would  ruin  him.  A  little  boy  was  set  as  a 
sentinel  at  the  door,  who  was  to  give  notice  if  the 
enemy  came  near.  I  had  not  been  in  the  house 
half  an  hour,  before  a  number  of  them  came  in,  but 
with  no  other  design  than  to  buy  some  rum  and 
milk,  and  to  borrow  a  pot  for  cooking. 

As  soon  as  they  were  gone,  the  woman  came  into 
the  chamber  to  dress  my  wound.  She  washed  it 
with  rum,  applied  dressings,  and  bound  it  up  as 
well  as  she  could.  She  showed  every  mark  of  kind- 
ness  to  me,  but   her  husband,   whose   name    was 


NAKRATIVE.  31 

Moulton,  in  a  day  or  two  after  I  got  to  his  house, 
was  pressed  by  the  enemy  to  bring  stores  from 
Skeensboroiigh*(i2)  with  his  team,  and  I  never  saw 
the  good  old  man  any  more.  His  wife  was  in  much 
trouble,  lest  the  enemy  should  find  me  in  the  house 
and  be  so  enraged  as  to  kill  all  the  family.  She 
permitted  her  little  boy  to  guide  me  to  the  bushes, 
where  I  might  secrete  myself:  she  gave  me  a 
blanket  to  lie  on.  The  boy  went  with  me  to  my 
lurking  place,  that  I  might  be  easily  found,  so  as  to 
receive  refreshment.  When  night  came  on,  I  was 
called  by  the  boy  to  the  house  again,  and  took  my 
old  stand  in  the  chamber ;  the  woman  feared  I 
should  receive  injury  by  lodging  out  of  doors.  She 
informed  me  that  a  man  would  lodge  there  that 
night,  who  was  brother-in-law  to  her  husband ;  and 
who  had  actually  taken  up  arms  against  his 
country.  I  told  her  I  apprehended  danger  from 
tarrying  in  the  house  ;  she  said  there  would  not  be 
any  ;  I  then  lay  snug  in  my  straw. 

In  a  short  time  the  tory  came  for  some  drink ; 
the  indiscreet  woman  told  him  she  had  an  American 

*  In  Washington  County,  in  the  State  of  New  York.    It  is  now  known 
as  White  Hall.— Ed. 


32 


NARRATIVE. 


in  the  chamber,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  by 
the  British  and  had  escaped.  He  asked  her  what 
kind  of  a  man  I  was.  She  told  him  I  was  a  young 
fellow  and  wanted  much  to  get  home,  and  begged 
that  I  might  not  be  taken  back  to  the  enemy  or 
betrayed.  His  answer  was  very  rough,  and  I  began 
to  think  I  was  gone  for  it.  I  expected  to  be  forced 
back;  but  the  woman  interceding  so  hard  for  me, 
softened  the  ferocity  of  my  tory  enemy.  Knowing 
I  was  discovered,  I  crawled  from  my  hiding  place, 
and  began  a  conversation  with  the  man.  He  asked 
me  if  I  belonged  to  the  rebel  service  ?  I  told  him  I 
belonged  to  the  Continental  service.  "  What  is  that," 
says  he,  "  but  the  rebel  service  V  He  addressed 
me  in  very  insolent  language,  and  said  he  was 
very  sorry  to  have  me  leave  the  king's  troops  in  the 
manner  I  had  done,  and  lie  would  have  me  to 
know  I  was  in  his  hands.  I  was  patient  and  mild 
in  my  situation,  telling  him  I  was  at  his  disposal. 
My  good  mistress  often  put  in  a  word  on  my 
behalf. 

After  some  time  spent  in  this  way,  the  man 
asked  me  if  he  should  chance  to  be  taken,  and  in 
my  power  as  I  was  in  his,  whether  I  should  let  him 


NAKKATIVE.  33 

escape  ?  I  told  him  I  should.  "  Then,'''  says  he, 
"  if  you  will  promise  this,  I  will  not  detain  you  ; 
also,  that  if  you  are  retaken  before  you  reach  home, 
you  will  not  inform,  that  you  have  seen  me,  or  have 
been  at  my  brother's."  I  gave  him  my  promise. 
His  advice  to  me  was  immediately  to  set  out,  for 
if  I  should  stay  long  I  might  be  picked  up  by  some 
person.  "  And,"'  says  he,  "  I  advise  you  to  travel 
in  the  uight,  and  hide  in  the  day,  for  many  volun- 
teers are  reconnoitering  up  and  down  the  country." 
I  concluded  to  travel ;  but  my  feeling  landlady 
thought  it  best  to  stay  a  few  days  longer.  My 
friend  tory  said  it  was  best  for  me  to  travel  as  soon 
as  possible.  "If  you  are  determined  to  go  to-night," 
said  the  woman,  "  I  will  dress  your  wound  and  give 
you  food  for  your  journey."  I  told  her  I  would  go 
as  soon  as  possible.  She  then  dressed  my  wound 
for  the  last  time,  and  tilled  my  pockets  with  good 
provision.  After  thanking  her  for  her  kindness,  it 
being  all  the  compensation  I  could  make,  and  I 
believe  all  that  she  desired,  I  left  her. 

But  before  I  proceed  on  my  journey,  I  must  tell 
you,  that  my  dog,  who  had  accompanied  me 
through  many  dangers,  I  was  obliged  to  drive  from 


34  NARRATIVE. 

me  ;  when  in  the  chamber,  he  would  commonly  lay 
at  the  foot  of  the  stairs.  Mrs.  Moulton  often  told 
me,  she  was  afraid  he  would  betray  me,  for  as  the 
enemy  were  often  in,  should  they  see  the  dog, 
might  suspect  that  somebody  was  in  the  chamber. 
I  told  her,  with  much  regret,  to  drive  him  away ; 
she  with  her  little  boy  tried  all  in  their  power  to 
get  rid  of  him,  but  in  vain;  the  dog  would  stay 
about  the  house  ;  at  length  she  called  me  to  drive 
him  away  ;  I  came  down,  and  after  much  difficulty, 
effected  it. 

But  to  return.  After  being  told  the  course  I 
must  take,  I  began  my  journey  in  the  night,  which 
was  dark  and  cloudy,  through  the  MToods.  I  had 
not  travelled  more  than  two  hours,  before  I  got  lost. 
I  concluded  I  had  missed  the  road,  and  having 
reached  the  end  of  one  I  was  then  in,  began  to 
think  of  going  back.  My  wound  began  to  be  very 
painful,  and  I  was  so  sore,  I  could  scarcely  go. 
While  I  was  seeking  for  the  road  again,  there  came 
up  a  thunder  shower,  and  rained  fast.  I  crawled 
into  an  old  forsaken  hovel,  which  was  near,  and  lay 
till  the  shower  was  over  ;  then  went  back  half  a 
mile  and   found  the  road  once  more.      The  road 


NARRATIVE.  35 

being  newly  opened  through  the  woods  was  very 
bad,  and  it  was  with  much  difficulty  I  could  get 
along,  often  tumbling  over  roots  and  stones,  and 
sometimes  up  to  my  knees  in  mire.  I  once  fell  and 
was  obliged  to  lay  several  minutes,  before  I  could 
recover  myself. 

About  12  o'clock  at  night,  as  I  was  walking  in 
this  wilderness,  I  was  surprised  by  two  large  wild 
animals,  which  lay  close  by  the  road,  and  started 
up  as  soon  as  they  saw  me ;  ran  a  few  rods  and 
turned  about  towards  me ;  whether  they  were 
bears  or  wolves,  I  could  not  tell ;  I  was,  however, 
exceedingly  terrified,  and  would  have  given  any 
thin«;  for  my  do«;  again.  One  of  them  followed  me 
for  a  long  time  ;  sometimes  would  come  close  to 
me,  and  at  others,  kept  at  a  considerable  distance. 
At  last  he  got  discouraged  and  left  me,  and  cer- 
tainly I  did  not  regret  his  absence. 

At  daylight,  I  came  to  open  land,  and  discovered 
a  house  belonging  to  Col.  Mead.  I  was  not  a  little 
rejoiced  to  see  his  house,  as  I  knew  he  would  be  a 
friend  to  me  ;  but  my  joy  was  of  short  continuance, 
for  as  soon  as  I  looked  into  the  door,  I  saw  marks 
of  the  enemy ;  every  thing  belonging  to  the  house 


36  NARRATIVE. 

being  carried  oft'  or  destroyed.  1  thought  it  not 
prudent  to  go  into  the  house  lest  some  of  the  enemy 
might  be  within  ;  so  I  passed  on  as  fast  as  possible  ; 
it  now  began  to  grow  light ;  and  what  to  do  with 
myself  I  could  not  tell.  My  friends  had  advised 
me  to  lay  concealed  in  the  day  time  and  travel  in 
the  night. 

When  I  viewed  the  depredations  the  enemy  had 
made  on  the  inhabitants,  and  many  of  whom  had 
fled ;  not  knowing  how  far  I  must  travel  to  find 
friends,  and  my  wound  being  very  troublesome,  I 
reflected  long,  whether  to  tarry  and  be  made 
prisoner,  or  push  forward  through  a  dreary  wilder- 
ness;  death  seemed  to  threaten  me  on  all  sides: 
however,  I  collected  resolution  sufficient  to  make  to 
the  east ;  I  conceived  myself  exposed  by  my  uniform 
and  bloody  clothes  ;  to  prevent  a  discovery  by  any 
who  should  be  an  enemy,  I  took  off  my  shirt  and 
put  it  over  my  coat,  by  which  my  uniform  was 
covered ;  in  this  line  I  marched  ;  it  being  the 
orders  of  the  British  for  all  tories,  who  came  to  join 
them,  to  appear  in  this  dress,  I  considered  myself 
protected. 

I  travelled   till    the    middle    of   the  day,   before 


NARRATIVE.  37 

I  saw  any  person ;  I  then  met  a  man  driving 
cattle,  as  I  supposed,  to  the  enemy.  He  examined 
me  closely,  and  enquired  if  I  was  furnished  with  a 
pass.  I  gave  him  plausible  answers  to  all  his 
questions,  and  so  far  satisfied  him  as  to  proceed 
unmolested.  I  enquired  of  him,  if  he  knew  one 
Joshua  Priest :  he  told  me  he  did,  and  very  readily 
directed  me  to  the  place  where  he  lived.  Leaving 
this  man,  I  had  not  travelled  far,  before  I  met  a 
number  more,  armed ;  being  within  about  fifty  rods 
of  them,  I  thought  to  hide  myself,  but  found  I  could 
not ;  I  then  made  towards  them,  without  any  appa- 
rent fear.  Coming  up  to  them,  I  expected  a  strict 
examination ;  but  they  only  asked  me  how  far  it 
was  to  such  a  town  :  I  informed  them  as  well  as  I 
could,  and  pushed  on  my  way. 

Being  within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  said  Priest's, 
I  saw  two  men  making  towards  me  ;  they  came  to 
a  fence  and  stopped  ;  I  heard  them  say,  "  Let's 
examine  this  fellow,  and  know  what  his  business 
is."  One  of  them  asked  me  where  I  was  going.  I 
told  him  to  Joshua  Priest's ;  he  asked  me  my 
business  there :  I  answered  him  upon  no  bad 
errand  :     He  says  you  are  a  spy  ;  I  told  him  I  was 


38  .  NARK  ATI  VE. 

no  spy.  I  did  not  like  the  fellow's  looks,  therefore 
dropped  the  conversation  with  him,  believing  he 
was  one  of  the  enemy.  I  resolved  not  to  converse 
with  any  one,  till  I  had  arrived  at  Priest's,  unless 
compelled  to.  Being  almost  overcome  with  fatigue, 
I  wished  for  rest ;  however,  these  men  seemed 
determined  to  stop  me  or  do  me  some  mischief,  for 
when  I  walked  on,  they  followed  me  upon  the  run, 
and  in  great  rage  told  me,  I  should  go  no  further, 
until  I  had  made  known  to  them  who  and  what  I 
was  ;  saying,  they  had  asked  me  a  civil  question, 
and  they  required  a  civil  answer.  I  told  them 
if  they  would  go  to  Priest's,  I  would  tell  them  all 
the  truth  and  satisfy  them  entirely ;  repeating  to 
them  I  was  no  spy.  They  said  they  did  not  mean 
to  leave  me  till  they  were  satisfied  respecting  me. 
I  then,  in  short,  told  them  what  I  had  before  in 
the  whole,  and  added,  that  I  was  well  acquainted 
with  Priest,  and  intended  to  tarry  with  him  some 
time. 

We  all  arrived  at  Priest's,  who  at  first  did  not 
recollect  me.  After  some  pause,  he  told  me  he  was 
surprised  to  see  me,  as  my  father  (13)  had  informed 
him  I  was  slain  at  Hubbardston.     I  told.him,  I  was 


NARRATIVE.  39 

yet  alive  :  but  had  received  a  bad  wound.  His 
family  soon  dressed  my  wound  and  made  me  com- 
fortable. 

I  then  in  the  presence  and  hearing  of  my  tory 
followers,  told  Priest  the  story  of  my  captivity 
and  escape  :  also  repeated  the  insolent  language 
used  by  the  tories  towards  our  people,  when  prison- 
ers with  the  enemy,  finding  Priest  my  friend,  I 
said  many  severe  things  against  the  tories,  and  fixed 
my  countenance  sternly  on  those  fellows,  who  had 
pretended  to  lord  it  over  me  and  stop  me  on  the 
way.  They  bore  all  without  saying  a  word,  but 
looked  as  surly  as  bulls. 

I  soon  found  these  tory  gentry  had  premeditated 
carrying  me  back,  and  were  seeking  help  to  prose- 
cute their  design.  My  friend  Priest  loaded  his 
gun,  and  said  he  would  give  them  a  grist,  if  they 
dared  come  after  me  :  but  failing  of  getting  any 
persons  to  join  them,  I  was  not  molested. 

I  could  often  hear  my  tory  followers'  threatenings 
against  me,  to  take  me  back,  saying,  I  should  be 
able  to  fight  again,  and  do  injury  to  the  enemy.  I 
feared  these  tories  would  do  hurt,  but  my  fears 
were  quieted  by  finding  the   neighbors   were  my 


40  NARRATIVE. 

friends,  and  would  afford  me  their  protection.  But 
I  will  write  one  more  tory  plan. 

After  being  at  Priest's  about  ten  days,  there 
came,  one  morning,  a  number  of  persons  to  see  me, 
and  appeared  very  friendly  and  much  concerned, 
lest  I  should  be  taken  by  the  enemy.  They 
informed  me  a  man  had  arrived  from  Burgoyne's 
army,  and  a  party  of  Indians  was  to  be  sent  forward 
to  guard  the  town  where  I  was,  and  protect  the 
tories  and  their  property  ;  our  people  coming  twice 
while  I  was  at  Priest's  to  take  tory  property. 
These  people  told  me  an  honest  story,  and  advised 
me  to  travel  immediately.  Being  desirous  to  get 
home,  I  told  my  friend  Priest  I  would  not  stay  any 
longer.  He  says,  "Don't  be  scared,  I  apprehend 
no  danger  from  the  Indians,  tarry  yet  awhile,  for 
your  wound  is  not  healed  ;  you  are  not  able  to 
travel  through  the  woods  :  but  do  as  you  think 
best."  These  men  cried  out,  "  Escape,  escape,  for 
your  life :  Indians  will  be  upon  you  before  to-mor- 
row night." 

Having  resolved  to  go  on,  my  friends  furnished 
me  with  provision  sufficient  for  my  journey.  With- 
out doubts  or  fears  I  went  on  my  way,  and  after 


NARRATIVE.  41 

travelling-  all  day  I  arrived  at  a  place  called 
Ludlow,  (m)  From  tins  town  the  people  all  tied 
and  left  their  habitations.  Great  was  my  disap- 
pointment !  I  spent  the  night  in  a  melancholy 
manner  :  having-  neither  tire  nor  bed  to  comfort  my 
shivering  and  impaired  body. 

About  day.  I  set  out  from  the  dreary  house, 
which  had  sheltered  me  in  the  night.  By  travel- 
ling, I  found  I  had  taken  cold,  and  my  wound  was 
very  painful.  Desponding,  I  thought  it  best  to  go 
back  about  seven  miles  to  tuiue  inhabitants,  rather 
than  to  proceed  homeward.  Just  before  night  I 
arrived  at  the  place  of  the  inhabitants,  seven  miles 
back,  who  received  me  kindly,  and  took  special  care 
of  my  wound. 

Just  before  .-unset  of  the  third  day,  after  my 
departure,  I  came  to  my  old  friend  Priest's  again, 
who  appeared  very  glad  to  see  me.  Now  it  was 
not  any  friendship  in  my  tory  visitors,  who  advised 
me  to  escape,  but  for  fear  I  should  betray  them, 
their  reports  afterwards  proving  a  lie. 

At  my  old  friend's,  I  remained  six  weeks :  in  the 
mean  time  my  wound  was  almost  healed.  I  was 
hospitably  entertained  by  him. 


42  NARRATIVE. 

Having  heard  that  one  Mr.  At, well,  belonging  to 
New-Marlborongb,(is)  was  in  the  neighborhood  with 
a  team  to  move  a  family,  I  agreed  with  him  for  a 
horse  to  ride.  After  a  journey  of  a  few  days,  I 
safely  arrived  at  New-Ipswich,  (■«)  and  once  more 
participated  the  pleasure  of  seeing  and  enjoying 
my  friends,  and  no  enemy  to  make  me  afraid. 

Not  long  afterwards,  an  officer  from  the  army 
hearing  of  my  return  ordered  me  to  be  arrested  and 
returned  to  the  main  body  of  the  American  army, 
although  my  wound  was  scarcely  healed.  In  a  few 
weeks,  I  joined  my  corps,  then  stationed  in  Pennsyl- 
vania; having  yet  two  years  to  serve  my  country  in 
the  tented  field. 

We  afterwards  went  on  an  expedition  against  the 
.Indians,  to  the  Genesee  Country,  a  long  and 
tedious  march,  commanded  by  Gen.  Sullivan,  (n) 
where  we  drove  the  savages  before  us,  burnt  their 
huts,  destroyed  their  corn,  (is)  The  first  Indian  set- 
tlement wTe  came  to  was  called  Tiauger,  (19)  where 
they  lay  in  ambush,  in  a  thick  wood,  on  a  hill, 
where  they  fired  on  our  men  and  killed  seven  ;  after 
that  we  were  ordered  to  march  in  the  following 
order :  the  army  was  divided    into  four   columns, 


NARRATIVE.  43 

and  the  head  of  each  column  had  a  horn  or  trum- 
pet, and  each  of  these  divisions  marched  as  far 
apart  as  they  could  hear  each  other  sound  :  we 
marched  in  this  line  all  the  way  afterward,  if  we 
had  not  they  undoubtedly  would  have  waylaid  and 
killed  us  all.  There  were  two  men  that  left  their 
place  and  went  out  from  the  main  body  and  were 
taken  by  the  Indians,  and  tortured  to  death  in  the 
most  cruel  manner.  (20) 

Our  provision  was  like  to  fail :  we  had  to  go  on 
half  allowance  a  long  time,  or  we  should  have 
starved.  Finding  few  enemies  to  contend  with  in 
that  quarter,  as  they  were  not  disposed  to  meet  us 
in  the  open  field,  we  received  the  gladly  obeyed 
orders  to  return  to  Xew-England,  where  we  remained 
the  ensuing  autumn.  Nothing  more  of  importance, 
to  me  or  the  reader,  occurred,  until  the  three  long 
years  rolled  away,  except  when  in  Pennsylvania,  I 
had  the  honor  of  being  acquainted  with  Gen.  Wash- 
ington (21)  and  Gen.  Lafayette,^)  and  then  I  received 
my  discharge.* 

And  now,  kind  reader,  wishing  that  you  may 

*  He  received  his  discharge  March  20,  1780. — Ed. 


44 


NARRATIVE. 


forever  remain  ignorant  of  the  real  sufferings  of  the 
veteran  soldier,  from  hunger  and  cold,  from  sick- 
ness and  captivity,  I  bid  you  a  cordial  adieu. 

EBENEZER  FLETCHER.  („) 

New-Ipswich,  Jan.,   1813. 


NOTES. 


(i)  Capt.  James  Carr  was  a  resident  of  Somersworth, 
Strafford  Co.,  X.  H.  He  was  Captain  of  the  third  company 
in  the  second  of  three  battalions  raised  in  Xew  Hampshire  in 
1776.  He  eventually  attained  the  rank  of  Major,  and  died  on 
the  eleventh  day  of  March,  1829. 

(2)  The  following  were  the  officers  of  the  company  : 

James  Carr of  Somersworth.  Captain. 

Samuel  Cherry "   Londonderry.  .First- Lieutenant. 

Peletiah  TVhittemore . .  ci    Xew  Ipswich.  .Second- Lieutenant. 
George  Frost "   Greenland. . .  .Ensign. 


(3)  Col.  Nathah  Hale  was  born  in  Hampstead,  Rocking- 
ham Co.,  N".  H.,  on  the  23d  day  of  September,  1743.  His 
mother's  maiden  name  was  Elizabeth  Wheeler.  His  father, 
Moses  Hale,  was  born  in  Rowley,  Mass.,  in  1703.  and  died  in 
Rindge,  N.  H.,  on  the  19th  day  of  June,  1762. 


46  NOTES. 

Col.  Hale  was  by  occupation  a  merchant.  He  came  to 
Rindge  in  company  with  his  brothers,  Moses  and  Enoch, 
shortly  after  the  first  settlement  of  the  place.  On  the  28th  day 
of  January,  1766,  he  was  married  to  Abigail  Grout,  who  was 
born  in  Lunenburgh,  Mass.,  March  23d,  1745.  This  lady  was 
the  daughter  of  John  Grout,  who  was  born  in  Sudbury,  Mass., 
October  14,  1704.  Mr.  Grout  was  originally  a  farmer,  but, 
during  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  followed  the  profession  of 
the  law.  He  resided  in  Lunenburgh  a  while ;  thence  moved 
to  Rindge,  and  subsequently  to  Jaffrey,  N".  H.,  where  he  died. 

Col.  Hale  commanded  the  second  of  three  battalions  which 
were  raised  in  Xew  Hampshire  in  1776,  to  serve  for  the  period 
of  three  years.  He  was  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Hubbardton, 
and  was  taken  prisoner  there  by  the  British.  Immediately 
ttfter  the  battle,  reports,  censuring  his  conduct  in  that  engage- 
ment, were  circulated,  but  whether  they  were  well  founded, 
or  originated,  as  many  have  supposed,  in  the  envy  of  some  of 
his  inferior  officers,  it  is  difficult  now  to  decide.  It  is  known 
that  he  and  his  men  were  at  the  time  of  the  engagement  in  a 
feeble  state  of  health,  and  were  consequently  unfit  for  military 
service.  The  historians  of  the  day,  moreover,  attach  no 
blame  to  his  conduct ;  and  his  character,  in  other  respects, 
appears  to  have  been  irreproachable.  Col.  Hale,  it  is  said,  on 
hearing  of  the  reports,  wrote  to  General  Washington,  request- 
ing that  he  might  be  exchanged,  and  thus  have  the  oppor- 
tunity of  vindicating  his  character  by  a  court-martial,  but 
before  this  could  be  effected,  he  died,  while  a  prisoner  on 


NOTES.  47 

Long  Island,  in  the  month  of  September,  1780,  he  being  then 
thirty-seven  years  of  age.  He  left,  surviving  him,  his  widow, 
four  sons  and  two  daughters,  all  of  whom  are  now  deceased. 

Mrs.  Hale  was  a  woman  of  great  resolution,  and  managed 
her  affairs  with  remarkable  success.  She  lived  in  Eindge 
for  many  years,  and  died  in  Chelsea,  Yt.,  on  the  14th  day  of 
September,  1838,  in  the  ninety-fourth  year  of  her  age. 

The  following  are  the  names  of  Col.  Hale's  children,  and  the 
times  of  their  birth  and  death  : 

1.  Charlotte   (Mrs.  Lowe).. Born  Dec.  30,  1766.  .Died  May  5,  1841. 

2.  Thomas "  Sept.   6,1769..  "  Dec.  1,  1797. 

3.  Nathan "  July     1.1771..  "  Jan.    9,1849. 

4.  A  son "  July         1773..  "  Same  day. 

5.  Eliphalet "  May  16,  1775..  "  Sept.26, 1852. 

6.  Polly "  April26,  1778. .  "  Sept.  26, 1795. 

7.  Harky '•  Feb.  10,  1780. .  '•  June  2,  1861. 

(4)  The  following  were  the  officers  of  the  Second  Battalion : 

Nathan  Hale of  Rindge Colonel. 

Winbokx  Adams "  Durham Lieutenant- Col. 

Benjamin  Titcomb "   Dover Major. 

William  Elliot "   Exeter Adjutant. 

Jeery  Fogg "   Kensington Paymaster. 

Richard  Brown "   Unity Quarter -Master. 

"William  Paekee,  Je.  ..."   Exeter Surgeon. 

Peletiah  AVaeeex "   Berwick Surgeon's  Mate. 

ArGrsTrs  Hibbaed "   Claremont Chaplain. 

(5)  Ticoxdeeoga — a  post-town  of  Essex  County,  New-York, 
on  the  west  side  ot  the  south  end  of  Lake  Chainplain,  and  at 


48  NOTES. 

the  north  end  of  Lake  George,  twelve  miles  south  of  Crown 
Point,  and  ninety-five  miles  north  of  Albany.  In  1860  the 
population  of  the  town  was  2,270. 

Ticonderoga  Fort,  so  famous  in  American  history,  was 
erected  on  an  eminence  on  the  north  side  of  a  peninsula 
of  about  five  hundred  acres,  elevated  upwards  of  one  hundred 
feet  above  Lake  Champlain,  at  the  mouth  of  Lake  George's 
outlet.  Considerable  remains  of  the  fortifications  are  still  to 
be  seen.  The  stone  walls  of  the  fort,  which  are  still  standing, 
are  in  some  places  thirty  feet  high.  The  fort  was  built  by  the 
French  in  1756,  and  was  called  by  them  "  Carillon"  a  word 
signifying  a  jingling  racket  or  clatter.  By  the  Indians  it  was 
known  by  the  Iroquois  name  "  Gheoonderoga,"  signifying 
"  sounding  waters."  It  had  all  the  advantages  that  art  or 
nature  could  give  it,  being  defended  on  three  sides  by 
water  surrounded  by  rocks,  and  on  half  of  the  fourth  by  a 
swamp,  and  where  that  fails,  the  French  erected  a  breast 
work  nine  feet  high.  The  British  and  Colonial  troops, 
under  General  Abercrombie,  were  defeated  here  in  the 
year  1758,  but  the  place  was  taken  the  year  following 
by  General  Amherst.  Ticonderoga  was  the  first  fortress 
attacked  by  the  Americans  in  the  Revolutionary  war.  It 
was  surprised  by  Cols.  Ethan  Allen  and  Benedict  Arnold, 
on  the  10th  day  of  May,  1775 ;  was  re-taken  by  Gene- 
ral Burgoyne  on  the  6th  day  of  July,  1777 ;  and  was 
evacuated  after  his  surrender,  the  garrison  returning  to 
St.  Johns. 


NOTES.  49 

Mount  Defiance  lies  about  a  mile  south  of  the  fort,  and 
Mount  Independence  is  about  half  a  mile  distant,  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  lake,  in  Addison  County,  Vermont. 

(e)  Major-General  Arthur  St.  Clair  was  born  in  Edin- 
burgh, Scotland,  in  the  year  1734.  He  came  to  America  with 
Admiral  Boscawen  in  1755.  In  1759  and  1760  he  served  in 
Canada  as  a  Lieutenant,  under  Gen.  Wolfe,  and  after  the 
peace  of  1763,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  Fort 
Ligonier,  in  Pennsylvania.  Here  he  settled,  and  becoming  a 
citizen  of  Pennsylvania,  was  appointed  to  several  offices  of  a 
civil  nature.  When  the  Revolution  commenced,  he  embraced 
the  cause  of  the  Americans,  and  in  January,  1776,  was 
appointed  to  command  a  battalion  of  Pennsylvania  militia. 
He  was  engaged  in  the  expedition  to  Canada,  and  was  the 
second  in  command  in  the  proposed  attack  on  the  British  post 
at  Trois  Rivieres.  He  was  soon  after  ordered  to  join  the 
army  in  New  Jersey,  and  was  engaged  in  the  battles  of  Tren- 
ton and  Princeton.  On  the  ninth  day  of  August,  1776,  he 
was  appointed  a  Brigadier-General,  and  in  the  month  of 
February  following,  was  made  a  Major-General.  He  was  the 
commanding  officer  at  Ticonderoga  when  that  post  was 
invested  by  the  British,  and  having  a  garrison  of  but  about 
2,000  men,  badly  equipped,  and  very  short  of  ammunition  and 
stores,  he  was  compelled  to  evacuate  it,  which  he  did  on  the 
6th  day  of  July,  1777.  Charges  of  cowardice,  treachery  and 
incapacity  were  brought  against  him  for  this  step,  but  a  court 


50  NOTES. 

of  inquiry  honorably  acquitted  him.  In  1780  he  was  ordered 
to  Rhode  Island,  but  circumstances  prevented  him  from  going 
thither.  When  the  allied  armies  marched  towards  Virginia 
in  1781,  to  attack  Cornwallis,  Gen.  St.  Clair  was  directed  to 
remain  at  Philadelphia  with  the  recruits  of  the  Pennsylvania 
line  for  the  protection  of  Congress.  He  was,  however,  soon 
allowed  to  join  the  army,  and  reached  Yorktown  during  the 
siege.  From  Yorktown  he  was  sent  with  a  considerable 
force  to  join  Gen.  Greene,  which  he  did  near  Savannah, 
Georgia,  and  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war,*  he  returned  to  his 
former  residence  in  Pennsylvania.  In  1783  he  was  a  member 
of  the  Council  of  Censors  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  same  year 
was  elected  President  of  the  Cincinnati  Society  of  that  State. 
In  1786  he  was  elected  a  delegate  to  Congress,  and  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1787,  was  chosen  President  of  that  body.  In  1788  he 
was  appointed  Governor  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
north-west  of  the  Ohio,  which  office  he  retained  until  Novem- 
ber, 1802,  when  he  was  removed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  con- 
sequence of  the  too  free  expression  of  his  political  opinions. 
In  1791  he  commanded  an  army  employed  against  the  Miami 
Indians,  and  was  defeated  on  the  4th  of  November,  with  the 
loss  of  between  six  hundred  to  seven  hundred  men.  On  this 
occasion  a  portion  of  the  citizens  were  loud  in  their  censures 
of  his  conduct ;  but  a  committee  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, appointed  to  examine  into  the  cause  of  the  failure 
of  the  expedition,  upon  hearing  his  defense,  honorably  excul- 
pated him  from  blame.     In  the  following  year  he  resigned  his 


NOTES.  51 

commission  as  Major-General,  and  in  his  old  age,  being 
reduced  to  poverty,  and  embarrassed  by  debts,  he  applied  to 
Congress  for  relief,  but  his  claims  on  the  sympathy  of  his 
country  were  listened  to  with  indifference,  and  admitted  with 
reluctance.  In  the  year  1817,  after  a  great  suspense,  he 
obtained  a  pension  of  sixty  dollars  a  month,  which  he  did  not, 
however,  live  long  to  enjoy.  He  died  at  Laurel  Hill,  near 
Phil.,  on  the  31st  day  of  August,  1818,  at  the  age  of  eighty- 
four  years.  His  remains  were  interred  in  the  Presbyterian 
church-yard  in  Greensburg,  Westmoreland  Co.,  Pa.,  and  in  1832 
the  Masonic  fraternity  placed  a  neat  monument  over  his  grave. 

(7)  "  Although  every  possible  exertion  had  been  made  by  Gen. 
St.  Clair  and  his  men,  the  state  of  the  American  works  and 
of  the  garrison  was  not  such  as  to  insure  a  long  and  vigorous 
defence.  The  old  French  fort  had  been  strengthened  by 
some  additional  works,  several  block-houses  had  been  erected, 
and  some  new  batteries  had  been  constructed  on  the  side 
towards  Lake  George.  The  Americans  had  also  fortified  a 
high  circular  hill  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake  opposite  to 
Ticonderoga,  to  which  they  had  given  the  name  of  Mount 
Independence.  These  two  posts  were  connected  by  a  floating- 
bridge  twelve  feet  wide  and  one  thousand  feet  long,  which 
was  supported  by  twenty-two  sunken  piers  of  large  timber. 
This  bridge  was  to  have  been  defended  by  a  boom  strongly 
fastened  together  by  bolts  and  chains ;  but  this  boom  was  not 
completed  when  Gen.  Burgoyne  advanced  against  the  works. 


52  NOTES. 

"  Notwithstanding  the  apparent  strength  of  the  posts 
occupied  by  the  Americans,  their  works  were  all  effectually 
overlooked  and  commanded  by  a  neighboring  eminence 
called  Sugar  Loaf  Hill,  or  Mount  Defiance.  This  circum- 
stance was  well  known  to  the  American  officers,  and  they 
had  a  consultation  for  the  express  purpose  of  considering  the 
propriety  of  fortifying  this  mountain  ;  but  it  was  declined, 
because  they  believed  the  British  would  not  think  it  prac- 
ticable  to  plant  cannon  upon  it,  and  because  their  works 
were  already  so  extensive,  that  they  could  not  be  properly 
manned,  the  whole  garrison  consisting  of  only  2,546  conti- 
nental troops,  and  900  militia ;  the  latter  very  badly  armed 
and  equipped. 

"  Gen.  St.  Clair  was  sensible  that  he  could  not  sustain  a 
regular  siege  ;  still  he  hoped  that  the  confidence  of  Burgoyne 
would  induce  him  to  attempt  to  carry  the  American  works 
by  assault,  against  which  he  was  resolved  to  defend  himself 
to  the  last  extremity.  But  to  the  surprise  and  consternation 
of  the  Americans,  on  the  5th  of  July,  the  enemy  appeared 
upon  Mount  Defiance,  and  immediately  commenced  the  con- 
struction of  a  battery.  This  battery,  when  completed,  would 
effectually  command  all  the  American  works  on  both  sides  of 
the  lake,  and  the  line  of  communication  between  them ;  and, 
as  there  was  no  prospect  of  being  able  to  dislodge  the  enemy 
from  this  post,  a  council  of  war  was  called,  by  which  it  was 
unanimously  agreed  that  a  retreat  should  be  attempted  that 
very  night,  as  the  only  means  of  saving  the  army. 


NOTES.  53 

"Accordingly,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  6th 
of  July,  Gen.  St.  Clair,  with  the  garrison,  left  Ticonderoga, 
and  at  about  three  o'clock  the  troops  on  Mount  Independence 
were  put  in  motion.  The  baggage,  provisions  and  stores 
were,  as  far  as  practicable,  embarked  on  board  200  batteaux, 
and  despatched,  under  convoy  of  five  armed  gallies,  to 
Skenesborough,  while  the  main  body  of  the  army  proceeded 
by  land  on  the  route  through  Hubbardton  and  Castleton. 
These  af  airs  were  conducted  with  secrecy  and  silence,  and 
unobserved  by  the  enemy,  till  a  French  officer,  imprudently 
and  contrary  to  orders,  set  fire  to  his  house.  The  flames 
immediately  illuminated  the  whole  of  Mount  Independence, 
and  revealed  to  the  enemy  at  once  the  movements  and 
designs  of  the  Americans.  It  at  the  same  time  impressed  the 
Americans  with  such  an  idea  of  discovery  and  danger,  as  to 
throw  them  into  the  utmost  disorder  and  confusion. 

"  About  four  o'clock,  the  rear-guard  of  the  Americans  left 
Mount  Independence,  and  were  brought  off  by  Col.  Francis  in 
good  order;  and  the  regiments  which  had  preceded  him, 
were  soon  recovered  from  their  confusion.  When  the  troops 
arrived  at  Hubbardton,  they  were  halted  for  nearly  two 
hours.  Here  the  rear-guard  was  put  under  the  command  of 
Col.  Seth  Warner,  with  orders  to  follow  the  army,  as  soon  as 
those,  who  had  been  left  behind,  came  up,  and  to  halt  about  a 
mile  and  a  half  in  the  rear  of  the  main  body.  St.  Clair  then 
proceeded  to  Castleton,  about  six  miles  further,  leaving 
Warner,  with  the  rear-guard  and  stragglers,  at  Hubbardton," 


54  NOTES. 

"The  retreat  from  Ticonderoga  was  very  disastrous  to  the 
Americans.  Their  cannon,  amounting  to  128  pieces, — their 
shipping  and  batteaux,  and  their  provisions,  stores  and  maga- 
zines, fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  By  this  event,  Bur- 
goyne  obtained  no  less  than  1,748  ban-els  of  flour,  and  more 
than  70  tons  of  salt  provisions ;  and,  in  addition  to  these,  a 
large  drove  of  cattle,  which  had  arrived  in  the  American 
camp   a  few   days    previous   to   their   retreat,   fell   into   his 

hands." 

Thompson' s  Vermont,  Part  2,  pp.  41-43. 
See  also 

Williams'  Hist.  Vermont,   Vol.  2.  pp.  101-109. 

(8)  "  The  retreat  of  the  Americans  from  Ticonderoga  was 
no  sooner  perceived  by  the  British  than  an  eager  pursuit  was 
begun  by  General  Fraser  with  the  light  troops,  who  was  soon 
followed  by  General  Riedesel  with  the  greater  part  of  the 
Brunswick  regiments.  Fraser  continued  the  pursuit  during 
the  day,  and  having  learned  that  the  rear  of  the  American 
army  was  not  far  off,  ordered  his  men  to  lie  that  night  upon 
their  arms.  Early  on  the  morning  of  the  7th  he  renewed  the 
pursuit,  and  about  7  o'clock,  commenced  an  attack  upon  the 
Americans  under  Warner.  Warner's  force  consisted  of  his 
own  regiment,  and  the  regiments  of  Cols.  Francis  and  Hale. 
Hale,  fearful  of  the  result,  retired  w'ith  his  regiment,  leaving 
Warner  and  Francis,  with  only  seven  or  eight  hundred  men, 
to  dispute  the  progress  of  the  enemy. 

"  The  conflict  was  fierce  and  bloody.     Francis  fell  at  the 
head   of  his   regiment,   fighting   with   great   resolution   and 


NOTES.  55 

bravery.  "Warner,  well  supported  by  his  officers  and  men, 
charged  the  enemy  with  such  impetuosity  that  they  were 
thrown  into  disorder,  and  at  first  gave  way.  They,  however, 
soon  recovered,  formed  anew,  and  advanced  upon  the  Ameri- 
cans, who,  in  their  turn,  fell  back.  At  this  critical  moment,  a 
re-enforcement  under  Gen.  Eiedesel  arrived,  which  was 
immediately  led  into  action,  and  the  fortune  of  the  day  was 
soon  decided.  The  Americans,  overpowered  by  numbers, 
and  exhausted  by  fatigue,  fled  from  the  field  in  every 
direction. 

,"  The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  encounter  was  very 
considerable.  Hale  was  overtaken  by  a  party  of  the  British, 
and  surrendered  himself,  and  a  number  of  his  men,  prisoners 
of  war.  The  whole  American  loss  in  killed,  wounded  and 
prisoners,  was  324,  of  whom  about  30  were  killed.  The  loss 
of  the  enemy  in  killed  and  wounded,  was  183. 

"  Gen.  St.  Clair,  with  the  main  body  of  the  American 
army,  was  at  Castleton,  only  six  miles  distant,  during  this 
engagement,  but  sent  no  assistance  to  Warner.  After  the 
battle,  Warner,  with  his  usual  perseverance  and  intrepidity, 
collected  his  scattered  troops  and  conducted  them  safely  to 
Fort  Edward,  to  which  place  St.  Clair  had  retired  with  the 
army.  While  Gens.  Fraser  and  Riedesel  were  pursuing  the 
Americans  by  land,  General  Burgoyne  himself  conducted  the 
pursuit  by  water.  The  boom  and  bridge  between  Ticon- 
deroga  and  Mount  Independence  not  being  completed,  were 
soon  cut  through,  and  by  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the 


56  NOTES. 

6th  the  British  frigates  and  gun-boats  had  passed  the  works. 
Several  regiments  were  immediately  embarked  on  board  the 
boats,  and  tbe  chase  commenced.  By  three  in  the  afternoon 
the  foremost  boats  overtook  and  attacked  the  American  gallies 
near  Skenesborough,  (now  Whitehall,)  and  upon  the  approach 
of  the  frigates,  the  Americans  abandoned  their  gallies,  blew 
up  three  of  them,  and  escaped  to  the  shore.  The  other  two 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British. 

"As  the  American  force  was  not  sufficient  to  make  an 
effectual  stand  at  Skenesborough,  they  set  lire  to  the  works, 
mills  and  batteaux,  and  retreated  up  Wood  Creek  to  Fort 
Ann.  Being  pursued  by  the  ninth  British  regiment  under 
Colonel  Hill,  the  Americans  turned  upon  him  and  gave  him 
battle  with  such  a  spirit  as  to  cause  him  to  retire  to  the  top 
of  a  hill,  where  he  would  have  been  soon  overpowered,  had 
not  a  re-enforcement  come  at  that  critical  moment  to  his 
assistance.  The  Americans,  upon  this,  relinquished  the 
■  attack,  and  having  set  fire  to  Fort  Ann,  retreated  to  Fort 
Edward  and  joined  the  main  army  under  Schuyler." 

$:  ^  :fc  ^c  %  :$: 

"  After  St.  Clair  had  joined  Gen.  Schuyler  at  Fort  Edward, 
and  all  the  scattered  troops  had  come  in,  the  whole  American 
force  at  that  place  did  not  exceed  4,400  men.  Sensible  that, 
with  this  force,  it  would  be  impossible  to  make  an  effectual 
stand,  it  became  the  chief  object  of  the  American  generals  to 
impede  as  much  as  possible  the  progress  of  the  enemy  by  cutting 
down  trees,  blocking  up  the  roads,  and  destroying  the  bridges. 


NOTES.  57 

"  The  works  at  Fort  Edward  being  in  no  condition  to 
afford  protection  to  the  American  army.  Gen.  Schuyler 
abandoned  them  on  the  22d  of  July,  and  retired  with  his 
whole  force  to  Moses  Creek,  a  position  on  the  Hudson,  about 
four  miles  below  Fort  Edward.  At  this  place  the  hills 
approach  very  near  the  river  on  both  sides,  and  this  was 
selected  as  a  favorable  position  to  make  a  stand  and  dispute 
the  progress  of  the  enemy.  But  the  army  was  found  to  be 
so  much  reduced  by  defeat  and  desertion,  and  the  dissatisfac- 
tion to  the  American  cause  was  found  to  be  so  general  in  this 
section  of  the  country,  that  it  was  judged  best  to  retire  to 
Saratoga,  and  subsequently  to  Stillwater,  at  which  place  the 
army  arrived  on  the  1st  day  of  August." 

Thompson's  Vermont,  Part  2,  pp.  42,  43. 
See  also 

Williams'  Hist.  Vermont,  Vol.  2,  pp.  105-107. 
Gordon's  American  War,  Vol.  2,  pp.  483,  484. 
Allen's  American  Rev.,  Vol.  2,  pp.  31-33. 
Thacher's  Journal,  Ed.  of  1827,  pp.  83-86. 
Stone's  Hist,  of  Beverly,  pp.  73-79. 
Trial  of  Gen.  St.  Clair. 

The  following  account  we  take  from  one  of  the  newspapers  of  the  day  : 
"  July  17. — By  an  express  from  the  northward  we  learn 
that  the  American  forces,  under  the  command  of  General 
St.  Clair,  abandoned  Fort  Ticonderoga  and  the  adjoining  lines, 
on  the  morning  of  the  6th  instant,  and  are  now  encamped  in 
the  vicinity  of  Moses  Creek.  A  letter  from  an  officer  at  that 
place,  written  this  day,  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
retreat  and  its  consequences : — The  retreat  from  Ticonderoga 


58  NOTES. 

will  be  a  matter  of  speculation  in  the  country,  and  the 
accounts  different  and  confused,  a  true  state  of  facts  will 
therefore  be  very  satisfactory  without  doubt. 

"  We  were  deceived  with  respect  to  the  strength  of  the 
enemy,  and  our  own  reinforcements.  The  enemy  have  prac- 
tised a  piece  of  finesse  which  has  too  well  answered  their  pur- 
pose ;  they  have  so  conducted  that  all  hands  in  the  United 
States  believed  they  had  drawn  their  force  from  Canada  to 
the  southward,  and  designed  only  to  garrison  their  posts  in  the 
northern  world ;  the  consequence  of  this  belief  has  been  the 
ordering  eight  regiments,  destined  for  Ticonderoga  and  its 
environs,  to  Peekskill,  and  little  attention  has  been  paid  to 
this  department.  The  enemy's  condition  in  Canada  has  been 
represented  as  miserable,  confused,  scattered  and  sickly ;  this 
has  been  the  general  opinion  in  camp  and  country,  and  our 
situation  has  been  thought  perfectly  safe. 

"  Our  force  consisted  of  about  four  thousand,  including  the 
corps  of  artillery,  and  artificers  who  were  not  armed,  a  con- 
siderable part  of  which  were  militia ;  we  could  bring  about 
three  thousand  fit  for  duty  into  the  field.  General  Burgoyne 
came  against  us  with  about  eight  thousand  healthy,  spirited 
troops,  with  a  lake  force  consisting  of  three  fifty-gun  ships, 
a  thunder  mounting  eighteen  brass  twenty-four  pounders,  two 
thirteen-inch  mortars,  a  number  of  howitz,  several  sloops, 
gun-boats,  &c,  &c. 

"  Their  strength  being  so  very  superior  to  ours,  obliged  us 
to  tamely  sit  still  and  see  them  erect  batteries  all  around  us, 


NOTES.  59 

without  hazarding  a  sally.  Two  batteries  were  erected  in 
front  of  our  lines,  on  higher  ground  than  ours  ;  within  half  a 
mile  on  our  left  they  had  taken  post  on  a  very  high  hill  over- 
looking all  our  works;  our  right  would  have  been  commanded 
by  their  shipping  and  the  batteries  they  had  erected  on  the 
other  side  of  the  lake.  Our  lines  at  Ticonderoga  would  have 
been  of  no  service,  and  we  must  have  inevitably  abandoned 
them  in  a  few  days  after  their  batteries  opened,  which  would 
have  been  the  next  morning ;  we  then  should  have  been 
necessitated  to  retire  to  Fort  Independence,  the  consequence 
of  which,  I  conceive,  would  have  been  much  worse  than  the 
mode  adopted  ;  for  the  moment  we  had  left  Ticonderoga  fort, 
they  could  send  their  shipping  by  us,  and  prevent  our  commu- 
nication with  Skenesborough ;  then  the  only  avenue  to  and 
from  Fort  Independence  would  have  been  by  a  narrow  neck 
of  land  leading  from  the  mount  to  the  Grants.  To  this  neck 
they  had  almost  cut  a  road;  a  day  more  would  have  com- 
pleted it.  A  few  troops  stationed  at  Ticonderoga,  would 
have  prevented  our  communication  with  Lake  George,  as  our 
own  works  would  have  been  against  us.  Their  shipping 
would  have  destroyed  our  connection  with  Skenesborough, 
and  their  main  body  might  have  been  placed  on  this  neck  of 
land,  which,  by  a  few  works,  might  have  prevented  all 
supplies  and  reinforcements ;  we  might  have  stayed  at  the 
mount  as  long  as  our  provisions  would  have  supported  us ;  we 
had  flour  for  thirty  days,  and  meat  sufficient  only  for  a  week. 
Under  these  circumstances  General  St.  Clair,   on  the  sixth 


60  NOTES. 

instant,  called  a  council  of  war,  and  an  evacuation  was  unani- 
mously agreed  upon  as  the  only  means  of  saving  the  army 
from  captivity. 

"  It  was  necessary  also  that  our  retreat  should  he  pre- 
cipitate, as  the  communication  was  almost  cut  off,  and  they 
would  soon  be  apprised  of  our  designs.  It  was  therefore 
determined  to  send  the  baggage  and  sick  in  boats  to  Sken.es- 
borough,  and  for  the  army  to  march  by  land  from  the  mount 
to  that  place,  being  forty  miles.  At  the  dawn  of  day  we  left 
Fort  Independence,  and  I  cannot  say  the  march  was  conducted 
with  the  greatest  regularity ;  the  front,  which  was  the  main 
body,  marched  thirty  miles  to  a  place  called  Castleton,  about 
twelve  miles  from  Skenesborough ;  the  militia  halted  three 
miles  in  the  rear  of  the  front,  and  the  rear  guard,  commanded 
by  Colonel  Francis,  being  joined  by  Colonels  Warner  and 
Hale,  halted  at  Hubbardton,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  the 
rear  of  the  militia.  As  the  march  was  severe,  the  feeble  of 
the  army  had  fallen  in  the  rear,  and  tarried  at  Hubbardton 
with  the  rear-guard.  This  body  in  rear  might  consist  of 
near  a  thousand  men.  Before  I  proceed  further,  it  may  be 
necessary  to  give  you  the  enemy's  dispositions  after  they 
were  advised  of  our  retreat :  A  large  body,  at  least  two 
thousand,  were  detached  to  pursue  our  main  body  and  harass 
our  rear ;  all  the  gun-boats  and  some  of  their  shipping  were 
sent  after  our  baggage,  came  up  with  it  at  Skenesborough 
and  took  it.  The  ninth  regiment,  commanded  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Hills,  was  ordered  to  run  down  South  Bay,  and  land 


NOTES.  61 

and  march  on  a  by-road  to  Fort  Ann,  and  take  that  before  our 
troops  could  reach  it ;  the  remainder  of  the  array  went  on  to 
Skenesborough,  except  a  garrison  at  Ticonderoga. 

"  The  body  of  the  enemy  sent  to  harass  our  rear,  came  up 
with  it  the  next,  morning  at  Hubbardton,  which  was  then 
commanded  by  Colonel  Warner;  by  the  exertions  of  the 
officers,  our  little  army  formed  and  gave  them  battle,  which 
continued  about  twenty-five  minutes  very  severe,  when  our 
party  were  overpowered  with  numbers  and  gave  way.  The 
loss  on  both  sides  was  considerable ;  as  our  people  took  to  the 
woods  and  are  daily  coming  in,  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain 
our  loss.  Colonel  Francis,  a  worthy,  brave  officer,  after  sig- 
nalizing himself,  was  shot  through,  and  expired  instantly ; 
Colonel  Hale  is  missing.  It  is  natural  to  ask,  why  was  not 
Colonel  Warner  reinforced  ?     Let  me  tell  you ;  orders  were 

sent  to  Colonel ,  who  commanded  the  militia,  to  go  to  the 

assistance  of  the  rear-guard,  but  before  they  arrived,  the 
action  was  over  and  our  people  dispersed.  Our  main  hody 
being  now  twelve  miles  from  Skenesborough,  and  hearing 
that  a  large  body  of  the  enemy  were  arrived  there,  and  know- 
ing that  a  large  body  were  in  our  rear,  the  general  imagined 
if  we  pursued  our  route,  that  we  must  engage  both  in  front 
and  rear  under  great  disadvantage ;  and  to  pursue  his  plan  in 
first  retreating,  which  was  to  save  the  army,  he  thought  pru- 
dent to  file  off  to  the  left,  and  before  we  reached  Hudson 
River,  we  marched  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles;  in  this  march 
we  picked  up  about  thirty  prisoners,  part  British,  part  Wal- 


62  NOTES. 

deckers,  and  part  Canadians.  The  party  of  our  men  who 
were  at  Skenesborough,  retreated  to  Fort  Ann ;  they  were 
twice  attacked  by  the  ninth  regiment,  and  both  times 
repulsed  them.  They  took  a  Captain  Montgomery  and  a 
doctor,  and  would  probably  have  taken  the  whole  regiment 
had  their  ammunition  held  out.  This  is  a  candid  statement 
of  facts,  and  for  this  conduct  we  are  told  our  country  calls  us 
either  knaves  or  cowards  ;  I  conceive  they  ought  to  be  grate- 
ful to  our  general,  for  had  we  stayed,  we  very  certainly 
should  have  been  taken,  and  then  no  troops  could  have  stood 
between  the  enemy  and  the  country.  Our  affairs  now  are  not 
desperate  in  this  quarter,  as  they  would  certainly  have  been  ; 
we  have  destroyed  Fort  George  and  its  appendages,  and  shall 
soon  be  able,  I  hope,  to  make  head  against  our  enemies,  as  we 
are  gathering  strength  and  re-collecting  ourselves." 

Pennsylvania  Evening  Post,  August  9th,  1777. 

(9)  Otter  Creek,  called  by  the  French  la  Riviere  aux 
Loutres,  the  Eiver  of  Otters,  is  the  longest  stream  of  water  in 
Vermont.  It  rises  in  Bennington  Co.,  in  the  W.  IS".  W.  part 
of  the  State,  and  flowing  in  a  N".  N.  W.  course  through  Rut- 
land Co.,  falls  into  Lake  Champlain  in  Addison  Co.  In  its 
course  it  receives  about  fifteen  small  tributary  streams.  Otter 
Creek,  above  Middlebury,  is  a  very  still  stream,  and  its  waters 
deep,  affording  very  few  mill  privileges.  From  Middlebury  to 
Pittsford,  a  distance  of  twenty -five  miles,  it  is  navigable  for 
boats.     At  Middlebury,  Weybridge,  and  Vergennes,  there  are 


NOTES.  63 

falls  in  the  creek  which  afford  excellent  sites  for  mills,  and  on 
which  are  some  of  the  finest  manufacturing  establishments  in 
the  State.  From  Vergennes  to  the  mouth,  a  distance  of  eight 
miles,  the  creek  is  navigable  for  the  largest  vessels  on  the 
lake.  The  whole  length  of  the  creek  is  about  ninety  miles, 
and  it  waters  about  nine  hundred  square  miles. 

(10)  The  Hessians  were  soldiers  hired  by  Great  Britain  of 
some  of  the  petty  rulers  of  Germany,  but  from  the  circumstance 
of  the  greater  number  being  derived  from  the  principality  of 
Hessen  Cassel,  they  obtained  the  technical  name  by  which 
they  are  now  known,  and  which  in  course  of  time  has  become 
a  term  for  mercenary  troops  generally.  They  were  bought 
for  a  stipulated  sum  paid  on  account  of  each  man  on  enlist- 
ment in  the  British  army,  while  additional  amounts  became 
payable  in  the  event  of  certain  contingencies,  such  as  wounds 
and  death.  The  following  table  exhibits  the  quota  obtained 
from  the  respective  rulers,  as  well  as  the  amount  received 
by  each  : 

Prince.     Number  of  men  furnished.     Number  lost.     Amounts  received. 

Brunswick 5,723  3,015  £780,000 

Hessen  Cassel 16,992  6,500  2,600,000 

Hessen  Hanau 2,422  981  335,150 

Anspach 1,644-  461  305,400 

Waldeck 1,225  720  122,670 

Anhalt 1,160  176  535,500 


Total 29,166  11,853  4,678,620 

Hanover  received 448,000 


Total  amount  received £  5,126,620 


64  NOTES. 

Many  of  the  troops  were  temporary  sojourners  in  the  prin- 
cipalities, and  were  secured  by  kidnapping,  a  mode  which 
was  practiced  to  a  great  extent.  As  this  device  relieved  the 
citizens  of  Cassel  from  the  evils  of  compulsory  military  service, 
it  met  with  little  or  no  opposition  from  them,  and  every 
traveler,  therefore,  had  to  depend  chiefly  on  himself  for 
safety.  The  necessary  consequence  of  such  a  mode  of  recruit- 
ing was  a  great  number  of  desertions,  and  to  such  an  extent 
did  these  prevail,  that  from  the  regiment  of  Anhalt  alone, 
one  hundred  and  forty  men  deserted  in  one  day,  and  on  the 
next,  their  example  was  followed  by  an  officer  and  fifty  men. 
The  Hessians  arrived  in  America  in  1776,  and  were  first 
employed  against  the  Americans  in  the  battle  of  Long  Island. 
They  were  subsequently  engaged  at  Trenton,  Princeton, 
Saratoga,  and  elsewhere.  They  were  generally  fine,  hearty- 
looking  men ;  wore  large  knapsacks  on  their  backs,  and 
spatter-dashes  on  their  legs.  A  member  of  one  of  these 
regiments,  says  Dunlap,  {Hist.  Amer.  Theatre,  Am.  Ed.,  p.  45,) 
"  with  his  towering  brass-fronted  cap,  mustacios  coloured 
with  the  same  material  that  coloured  his  shoes,  his  hair 
plastered  with  tallow  and  flour,  and  tightly  drawn  into  a 
long  appendage  reaching  from  the  back  of  the  head  to  his 
waist,  his  bine  uniform  almost  covered  by  the  broad  belts 
sustaining  his  cartouch-box,  his  brass-hilted  sword,  and  his 
bayonet;  a  yellow  waistcoat  with  flaps,  and  yellow  breeches 
were  met  at  the  knee  by  black  gaiters,  and  thus  heavily 
equipped,  he  stood  an  automaton,  and  received  the  command 


NOTES.  65 

or  cane  of  the  officer  who  inspected  him."  The  cavalry  were 
mounted  on  gay  ponies,  much  decorated  with  leather  trap- 
pings. The  accoutrements  of  themselves  and  their  horses 
were  heavy  in  the  extreme.  At  the  termination  of  the  war, 
many  of  the  Hessians  settled  down  in  America,  and  some  of 
them  became  good  and  enterprising  farmers  and  citizens. 

(n)  Hubbardtos,  a  township  in  Rutland  Co.,  Vermont, 
fifty  miles  N.  of  Bennington,  and  forty-six  miles  S.  S.  W.  of 
Montpelier.  It  derived  its  name  from  Thomas  Hubbard,  who 
was  a  large  proprietor.  The  settlement  was  commenced  in 
the  spring  of  1774  by  Uriah  Hickok  and  William  Trowbridge, 
who  came  with  their  families  from  Norfolk,  Conn.  Elizabeth, 
daughter  of  Mrs.  Hickok,  was  born  August  1st,  1774,  and  died 
in  September,  1776.  This  was  the  first  birth  and  the  first 
death  in  the  town.  The  first  barn  was  built  in  1785,  and  the 
first  house  in  1787.  The  first  settlers  of  the  town  suffered 
very  severely  from  the  Indians  and  tories.  There  were  but 
nine  families  in  the  town  when  the  American  army,  under 
Gen.  St.  Clair,  evacuated  Ticonderoga,  July  6,  1777.  In  1810 
the  population  was  642,  and  in  1860  it  numbered  606. 

(12)  White  Hall,  formerly  called  Skenesborough,  a  post- 
village  in  Washington  Co.,  1ST.  Y.,  was  organized  in  1788.  It 
is  beautifully  situated  in  White  Hall  township,  at  the  head  of 
the  southern  extremity  of  Lake  Cbamplain,  and  on  the  Sara- 
toga  and  Washington  Railroad,   seventy-seven  miles  N".  by 


66  NOTES. 

E.  of  Albany.  The  Champlain  canal  terminates  here,  con- 
necting the  village  with  Troy.  u  The  Indian  name  of  the 
town  was  '  Eah-cho-quah-na^  the  place  where  dip-fish."  It 
was  formerly  called  Skenesborough  from  Maj.  Philip  Skene, 
a  royalist  who  resided  here  previous  to  the  Revolution.  The 
pass  at  this  place  was  seized  by  a  detachment  of  volunteers 
from  Connecticut  in  May,  1775.  Major  Skene  and  his  family, 
with  a  number  of  soldiers,  and  several  small  pieces  of  cannon, 
were  taken.  When  Ticonderoga  was  abandoned  on  the 
approach  of  Gen.  Burgoyne,  the  public  stores  were  embarked 
on  board  of  two  hundred  batteaux,  and  sent  up  the  lake  to 
Skenesborough,  under  a  convoy  of  five  galleys.  They  were 
pursued  by  a  British  brigade  of  gun-boats,  and  overtaken  at 
Skenesborough.  Two  of  the  galleys  were  taken,  and  the 
other  three  blown  up.  The  Americans  being  unable  to  make 
an  efficient  stand,  set  fire  to  the  works,  fort,  mills,  batteaux, 
and  escaped  as  they  could  to  Fort  Ann.  Skenesborough  was 
occupied  by  Burgoyne  as  his  head-quarters  for  a  considerable 
time,  while  his  troops  were  clearing  a  road  to  Fort  Edward. 
On  the  heights,  overlooking  the  harbor,  are  the  remains  of  a 
battery  and  block  house.  The  town  carries  on  an  extensive 
trade  with  Canada.  In  1860  the  population  of  the  township 
was  4,862 ;  of  the  village,  4,000. 

(13)  John  Fletohee,  the  father  of  our  author,  was  born  in 
Concord,  Mass.,  and  came  to  New  Ipswich  in  1758.  He  was 
a  cooper  by  trade.     He  was  killed  in  New  Ipswich  in  1763, 


NOTES.  67 

by  the  falling  of  a  tree.  The  family  were  led  to  the  spot 
through  the  strange  conduct  of  their  cat.  The  maiden  name 
of  John  Fletcher's  wife  was  Elizabeth  Foster.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Abijah  Foster,  a  farmer  by  occupation,  and  one 
of  the  first  settlers  of  New  Ipswich.  This  lady  was  the  first 
female  born  in  the  place.  She  was  born  in  the  year  1741, 
was  married  to  John  Fletcher  in  1759,  and  died  in  the 
year  1800. 

(14)  Ludlow,  a  post  village  and  township  in  Windsor  Co., 
Vt.,  on  a  tributary  of  the  Connecticut  river,  and  on  the  Rut- 
land and  Burlington  Railroad,  about  sixty-one  miles  S.  of 
Montpelier.  In  1784-5,  Josiah  and  Jesse  Fletcher,  Simeon 
Reed,  and  James  Whitney,  all  from  Massachusetts,  moved  to 
within  the  limits  of  the  town,  and  began  their  clearings  upon 
the  alluvial  flats  bordering  upon  Black  River.  Ludlow  has 
churches  of  three  denominations,  and  considerable  manufac- 
tories of  cassimeres,  machinery  and  combs.  The  population 
in  1860  was  1,568. 

(15)  New  Marlborough,  a  post  township  in  Berkshire  Co., 
Mass.,  about  130  miles  W.  by  S.  of  Boston.  The  first  im- 
provements in  the  town  were  made  in  1739  by  Benjamin 
Wheeler,  who  came  from  Marlborough.  During  the  severe 
winter  of  1739-40,  he  remained  the  only  white  inhabitant 
in  the  town.  The  Indians,  though  in  most  respects  friendly, 
forbade   him   the  use   of  his   gun,   lest   he   should   kill   the 


68  NOTES. 

deer,  and  thus  withheld  from  him  part  of  the  means  of 
his  support.  His  nearest  white  neighbors  were  in  Sheffield, 
ten  miles  distant.  Some  of  these  people  came  on  snow- 
shoes  to  see  him.  In  the  town  is  a  rock,  judged  to  weigh 
thirty  or  forty  tons,  so  equally  balanced  on  another  rock, 
that  a  man  can  move  it  with  his  finger.  The  population 
of  the  township  in  1860  was  1,782. 

(i6)  New-Ipswich,  a  post-town  in  Hillsborough  Co.,  N.  H., 
on  the  west  side  of  Souhegan  river,  upon  the  southern  line  of 
the  State.  It  is  distant  fifty  miles  S.  W.  from  Concord,  and 
eighteen  miles  S.  W.  from  Amherst.  It  was  settled  before 
1749,  by  Reuben  Kidder  and  others,  and  was  incorporated 
Sept.  9th,  1762.  The  principal  village  is  in  the  centre  of  the 
town,  in  a  pleasant  and  fertile  valley.  Manj  of  the  dwelling- 
houses  are  of  brick,  and  are  elegant  in  appearance.  The 
village  contains  a  bank,  a  number  of  factories,  and  several 
cotton  mills,  the  first  of  which  was  put  in  operation  in  1803. 
The  New-Ipswich  Academy  was  incorporated  June  18,  1789, 
has  a  fund  of  £1,000,  and  generally  about  forty  or  fifty  stu- 
dents. New-Ipswich  has  produced  many  men,  who  have 
become  eminent  as  patriots,  merchants,  and  men  of  science. 
There  were  sixty-five  men  from  this  town  in  the  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill.     The  population  of  the  town  in  1860  was  1,701. 

(n)  Major-Gen.  John  Sullivan  was  of  Irish  descent,  and 
was  born  in  Berwick,  in  the  State  of  Maine,  on  the  17th  day 


NOTES.  69 

of  February,  1740.  In  his  youth  he  worked  upon  a  farm,  but 
after  arriving  at  maturity  he  studied  law  and  established  him- 
self in  practice  in  Durham,  New  Hampshire.  His  energy  and 
industry  soon  rendered  him  a  prominent  man,  and  he  was 
chosen  a  delegate  to  the  first  Congress.  After  his  retirement 
from  that  body,  he,  with  John  Langdon,  the  Speaker  of  the 
Provincial  Congress  of  New  Hampshire,  commanded  a  small 
force  that  seized  Fort  William  and  Mary,  at  Portsmouth,  and 
carried  off  the  cannon  and  powder.  The  next  year  he  was 
again  chosen  a  delegate  to  Congress,  but  being  appointed  by 
that  body  one  of  the  eight  brigadier-generals,  in  the  new 
army,  he  soon  proceeded  to  head-quarters  at  Cambridge.  In 
the  following  year  he  was  made  a  Major-General,  and  super- 
seded Arnold  in  the  command  of  the  American  army  in 
Canada,  but  was  soon  driven  out  of  that  province.  When 
Gen.  Greene  became  ill  on  Long  Island,  Sullivan  took  com- 
mand of  his  division,  and  in  the  battle  of  Brooklyn  he  was 
taken  prisoner  by  the  enemy.  He  was  subsequently  ex- 
changed, and  took  command  of  Gen.  Lee's  division  in  New 
Jersey  after  the  capture  of  that  officer.  In  the  autumn  of 
1777  he  was  engaged  in  the  battles  of  Brandywine  and  Ger- 
mantown,  and  in  the  winter  following  took  command  of  the 
troops  on  Rhode  Island.  In  August,  1778,  he  besieged  New- 
port, then  in  the  hands  of  the  British,  with  the  fullest  confi- 
dence of  success,  but  being  abandoned  by  the  French  fleet 
under  D'Estaing,  who  sailed  to  Boston,  he  was  obliged  to 
raise  the  siege.     On  the  29th  an  action  took  place  with  the 


70  NOTES. 

pursuing  enemy,  who  were  repulsed  with  loss.  On  the  fol- 
lowing day,  with  much  military  skill,  he  passed  over  to  the 
continent  without  the  loss  of  baggage  or  life,  and  without  the 
slightest  suspicion  on  the  part  of  the  British  of  his  move- 
ments. In  the  year  1779  he  commanded  an  expedition 
against  the  Six  Nations,  and  soon  after  his  return,  he 
resigned  his  commission.  He  was  afterwards  a  member  of 
Congress,  and  in  1786  became  President  of  New  Hampshire, 
which  office  he  held  for  three  years.  "While  in  this  position 
he  rendered  important  service  in  quelling  the  spirit  of  insur- 
rection which  exhibited  itself  at  the  time  of  the  troubles  in 
Massachusetts.  In  1789  he  was  appointed  District  Judge  of 
New  Hampshire,  a  situation  which  he  held  at  the  time  of  his 
death.  Gen.  Sullivan  was  a  man  of  short  stature,  but  well 
formed  and  active.  His  complexion  was  dark,  his  nose 
prominent,  his  eyes  black  and  piercing,  and  his  face  altogether 
agreeable.  He  was  fond  of  display,  but  his  deportment  was 
dignified,  commanding  respect.  He  died  in  Durham,  N.  H., 
on  the  23d  day  of  January,  1795,  in  the  55th  year  of  his  age. 

(is)  The  atrocities  committed  by  the  hostile  Indians  of  the  Six 
Nations,  at  Wyoming,  Pa.,  and  at  several  settlements  in  New  York, 
determined  Congress,  in  1779,  to  send  an  army  into  the  country 
inhabited  by  the  savages,  to  retort  upon  them  their  own  system  of 
warfare.  The  force  employed  consisted  of  about  five  thousand  men, 
and  the  command  of  the  same  was  given  to  Gen.  John  Sullivan.  The 
following  is  a  particular  account  of  the  expedition: 

"  They  were  to  make  the  attack  by  three  different  routes, 
by  the  way  of  the  Susquehanna,  the  Mohawk  and  the  Ohio 


NOTES.  71 

rivers,  while  Washington,  by  a  feint  of  entering  Canada, 
should  induce  the  British  Governor-General  to  keep  his  forces 
at  home.  This  plan  was  so  far  changed  in  its  execution  as  to 
divide  the  whole  force  into  two  parts  only ;  the  main  body 
under  Sullivan  and  the  other  under  James  Clinton,  the 
Governor's  brother.  Sullivan  reached  Wyoming,  on  the 
Susquehanna,  on  the  21st  July,  having  delayed  his  march,  by 
waiting  the  result  of  extravagant  demands  which  he  continued 
to  make  for  men,  provisions,  and  equipments,  and  which 
Congress  were  not  disposed  to  grant.  The  number  of  his 
troops,  by  the  return  of  the  22d  of  July,  amounted  to  no  more 
than  2,312,  rauk  and  file,  for  the  service  of  which,  the  Quarter- 
Master-General  had  supplied  him  with  1,400  horses.  This 
force  was  more  than  three  times  greater  than  any  probable 
number  which  the  hostile  Indians  could  bring  against  him,  as 
the  whole  number  of  their  warriors  did  not  exceed  550,  and  to 
these  were  joined  about  250  tories,  the  whole  headed  by  John- 
son, Butler  and  Brandt :  yet  Sullivan  still  demanded,  and 
waited  for  more  men.  On  the  21st  of  August,  he  was  joined 
by  General  Clinton  with  1,600  men,  who  had  passed  by  the 
way  of  the  Mohawk,  without  meeting  opposition.  It  seemed 
to  be  the  infatuated  determination  of  General  Sullivan  to 
do  everything  in  this  expedition,  which  could  blast  the 
laurels  he  had  hitherto  won.  He  lived,  during  the  march, 
in  every  species  of  extravagance,  was  constantly  complain- 
ing to  Congress  that  he  was  not  half  supplied,  and  daily 
amused    himself   in   unwarrantable    remarks    to    his    young 


72  NOTES. 

officers  respecting  the  imbecility  of  Congress  and  the  board 
of  war. 

"  The  hostile  Indians  and  tories  before  mentioned,  to  the 
number  of  about  800,  were  posted  at  Newtown,  where  they 
had  constructed  works  of  considerable  strength,  and  where 
they  had  been  long  expecting  the  approach  of  Sullivan.  At 
length,  on  the  29th  of  August,  the  General  arrived.  He  had 
with  him  six  light  field  pieces  and  two  howitzers,  and  as 
if  determined  that  his  march  should  be  no  secret,  a  morning 
and  evening  gun  were  regularly  fired  during  his  whole  route. 
He  seemed  to  consider  the  enemy  as  already  in  his  power,  and 
made  the  most  absurd  boast  of  his  intentions  with  regard  to 
them.  The  assault  was  commenced  by  firing  his  light  field 
pieces  against  their  works,  while  a  detachment  under  General 
Poor  were  ordered  to  march  a  mile  and  a  half  around  the 
mountain,  in  full  view  of  the  enemy,  for  the  purpose  of 
attacking  them  on  their  left  flank.  Thus  put  on  their  guard, 
they  waited  the  approach  of  General  Poor,  and  would  pro- 
bably have  given  him  battle ;  but  his  firing  being  the  signal 
of  other  movements  by  Sullivan,  they  suddenly  abandoned 
their  works,  and  took  to  flight.  Nothing  could  have  been 
more  mortifying  to  General  Sullivan  than  this  escape  of  what 
he  had  deemed  a  certain  prize.  He  remained  in  the  fort 
until  the  31st,  and  then  marched  for  Catharine's  Town  on  the 
Seneca  Lake.  His  road  lay  through  the  most  dangerous 
defiles,  and  a  swamp  of  considerable  extent,  through  which  a 
deep  creek  flowed   in  so  meandering  a  course,  that  it  was 


NOTES.  73 

necessary  to  ford  it  seven  or  eight  times.  He  arrived  at  the 
entrance  of  this  swamp  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  was  strongly 
advised  not  to  venture  into  it  until  the  next  morning ;  but  he 
persisted,  and  a  miracle  only  prevented  his  obstinacy  from 
bringing  destruction  upon  his  men.  Some  of  the  denies 
through  which  he  had  to  pass,  were  so  narrow  and  dangerous 
that  a  score  or  two  of  Indians  might  have  successfully  dis- 
puted the  passage  against  any  number  of  men.  The  night 
was  exceedingly  dark,  the  men  wearied,  scattered  and  broken, 
and  ready  to  die  rather  than  move  on  ;  but  the  Indian  scouts 
who  had  been  sent  to  watch  them,  having  retired  as  soon  as 
it  was  dark,  under  the  full  persuasion  that  no  General  in  his 
senses  would  attempt  such  a  road  by  night,  the  defiles  were 
fortunately  unguarded,  and  the  General  arrived  with  his 
wearied  army  about  midnight  at  the  town.  Clinton  had 
halted  at  the  entrance  of  the  swamp,  and  pursued  his  march 
the  next  day. 

"  Sullivan  continued  for  more  than  a  month  iu  the  Indian 
country,  laying  waste  and  destroying  everything,  after  the 
manner  of  his  savage  enemy,  and  completing  the  destruction 
of  his  fame.  He  arrived  about  the  middle  of  October  at 
Eastou,  in  Pennsylvania,  having  in  the  course  of  his  expedition 
killed  eleven  Indians  and  destroyed  eighteen  or  twenty  towns ! 
Of  the  1,400  horses  which  he  had  taken  with  him,  300  only 
were  brought  back.  His  childish  and  absurd  complaints  had 
disgusted  the  Commander-in-Chief,  as  well  as  the  board  of 
war,  and  the  ridiculous  vanity  displayed  in  his  official  account 


74  NOTES. 

of  the  expedition,  rendered  him  the  jest  of  the  whole  army. 
He  was  not  long  able  to  bear  this  downfall  of  his  pride  and 
consequence,  and  on  the  9th  of  November,  he  solicited  per- 
mission to  resign,  which  Congress  readily  accorded.'1 

Allen's  Amer.  Rev.,   Vol.  2,  pp.  276-279. 
See  also 

Gordon's  Amer.  War,  Vol.  3,  pp.  307-312. 

The  following  extract  gives  some  interesting  particulars  respecting 
the  condition  of  the  Indian  settlements  : 

"  Many  settlements  in  the  form  of  towns  were  destroyed, 
besides  detached  habitations.  All  their  fields  of  corn,  and 
whatever  was  in  a  state  of  cultivation,  underwent  the  same 
fate.  Scarce  anything  in  the  form  of  a  house  was  left  stand- 
ing, nor  was  an  Indian  to  be  seen.  To  the  surprise  of  the 
Americans,  they  found  the  lands  about  the  Indian  towns  well 
cultivated,  and  their  houses  both  large  and  commodious.  The 
quantity  of  corn  destroyed  was  immense.  Orchards  in  which 
were  several  hundred  fruit  trees  were  cut  down,  and  many  of 
them  appeared  to  have  been  planted  for  a  long  series  of  years. 
Their  gardens,  which  were  enriched  with  great  quantities  of 
useful  vegetables  of  different  kinds,  were  laid  waste.  The 
Americans  were  so  full  of  resentment  against  the  Indians,  for 
the  many  outrages  they  had  suffered  from  them,  and  so  bent 
on  making  the  expedition  decisive,  that  the  officers  and 
soldiers  cheerfully  agreed  to  remain  till  they  had  fully  com- 
pleted the  destruction  of  the  settlement.  The  supplies 
obtained  in  the  country,  lessened  the  inconvenience  of  short 


NOTES. 


75 


rations.  The  ears  of  corn  were  so  remarkably  large,  that 
many  of  them  measured  twenty-two  inches  in  length. 
Necessity  suggested  a  novel  expedient  for  pulverising  the 
grains  thereof.  The  soldiers  perforated  a  few  of  their  camp 
kettles  with  bayonets.  The  protrusions  occasioned  thereby 
formed  a  rough  surface,  and  by  rubbing  the  ears  of  corn 
thereon,  a  coarse  meal  was  produced,  which  was  easily  con- 
verted into  agreeable  nourishment. " 

Ramsay's  Amer.  Rev,.  Vol.  2,  pp.  191-192. 
See  also 

Campbell's  Tryon  Co..  pp.  149-166 
Life  of  Van  Campen,  pp.  134-179. 
Goodwin's  Cortland  Co.,  pp.  51-67. 
Simms'  Schoharie  Co..  p.  295. 
Stone's  Life  of  Brandt.    Vol.  2,  pp.  1-41. 

(i9)  Tioga  Point,  in  Bradford  County,  Pennsylvania,  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Tioga  and  Susquehanna  rivers,  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  State,  is  noted  in  the  annals  of  Indian 
warfare  as  the  site  of  an  ancient  Indian  town,  and  as  a  place 
of  rendezvous  for  parties  or  armies  passing  up  or  down  the 
two  great  streams.  The  "Castle"  of  the  celebrated  Catharine 
Montour,  sometimes  called  Queen  Esther,  was  located  here. 
The  village  of  Athens  now  occupies  the  place  of  Gen.  Sulli- 
van's encampment. 


(20)  On  the  evening  of  Sept.  12th,  1779,  while  the  army  of  Gen. 
Sullivan  was  encamped  near  an  Indian  town,  on  what  is  now  known  as 
Henderson  Flats,  a  party  of  about  twenty-one  men.  under  command 
of  Lieut.  Thomas  Boyd,  was  detached  from  the  rifle  corps,  and  sent  out 


76  NOTES. 

to  reconnoitre  the  ground  near  the  Genesee  river,  at  a  place  now 
called  Williamsburgh,  about  seven  miles  distant  from  the  place  of 
encampment.  On  their  return  to  the  main  army,  they  were  attacked 
by  an  overwhelming  body  of  savages  and  tories,  and  Boyd  and  a  man 
named  Parker  were  taken  prisoners,  and  subsequently  put  to  death, 
the  former  in  the  most  horrible  manner,  after  having  his  nails  pulled 
out,  his  nose  and  tongue  cut  off,  and  one  of  his  eyes  plucked  out.  The 
remainder  of  the  party  were  all  killed,  with  the  exception  of  one 
Timothy  Murphy,  who  succeeded  in  making  his  escape.  Shortly  after 
this  occurrence,  the  bodies  of  Boyd  and  his  slaughtered  companions 
were  recovered  by  the  army,  and  interred  at  a  place  now  known  as 
Groveland.  Their  remains  lay  here  until  the  year  1841,  when  they 
were  removed  to  Rochester  and  deposited  in  the  cemetery  at  Mount 
Hope,  with  appropriate  civil  and  military  honors,  and  in  the  presence 
of  a  vast  concourse  of  spectators.  The  following  is  a  particular 
account  of  the  engagement  of  Lieut.  Boyd  and  his  party  with  the 
Indians,  and  of  the  cruelties  subsequently  practiced  upon  him  : 

"  When  the  party  arrived  at  Williamsburgh,  they  found 
that  the  Indians  had  very  recently  left  the  place,  as  the  fires 
in  their  huts  were  still  burning.  The  night  was  so  far  spent 
when  they  got  to  the  place  of  their  destination,  that  the 
gallant  Boyd,  considering  the  fatigue  of  his  men,  concluded  to 
remain  quietly  where  he  was,  near  the  village,  sleeping  upon 
their  arms,  till  the  next  morning,  and  then  to  despatch  two 
messengers  with  a  report  to  the  camp.  Accordingly,  a  little 
before  daybreak,  he  sent  two  men  to  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  with  information  that  the  enemy  had  not  been  dis- 
covered, but  were  supposed  to  be  not  far  distant,  from  the 
fires  they  found  burning  the  evening  before. 

"  After  day -light,  Lieut.  Boyd  and  his  men  cautiously  crept 
from  the  place  of  their  concealment,  and  upon  getting  a  view 
of  the   village,    discovered   two   Indians   lurking   about   the 


NOTES.  77 

settlement ;  one  of  whom  was  immediately  shot  and  scalped 
by  one  of  the  riflemen,  by  the  name  of  Murphy.  Lieut. 
Boyd — supposing  now  that  if  there  were  Indians  near  they 
would  be  aroused  by  the  report  of  the  rifle,  and  possibly  by  a 
perception  of  what  had  just  taken  place,  the  scalping  of  the 
Indian — thought  it  most  prudent  to  retire  and  make  his  best 
way  back  to  the  main  army.  They  accordingly  set  out,  and 
retraced  the  steps  they  had  taken  the  evening  before. 

"  On  their  arriving  within  about  one  mile  and  a  half  of  the 
main  army,  they  were  surprised  by  the  sudden  appearance  of 
a  body  of  Indians,  to  the  amount  of  five  hundred,  under  the 
command  of  Brandt,  and  the  same  number  of  rangers,  com- 
manded by  the  infamous  Butler,  who  had  secreted  themselves 
in  a  ravine  of  considerable  extent,  which  lay  across  the  track 
that  Lieut.  Boyd  had  pursued.  These  two  leaders  of  the 
enemy  had  not  lost  sight  of  the  American  army  since  their 
appalling  defeat  at  the  Narrows  above  Newtown,  though  they 
had  not  shown  themselves  till  now.  With  what  dismay  they 
must  have  witnessed  the  destruction  of  their  towns  and  the 
fruits  of  their  fields,  that  marked  the  progress  of  our  army ! 
They  dare  not,  however,  any  more  come  in  contact  with  the 
main  army,  whatever  should  be  the  consequence  of  their  for- 
bearance. 

"  Lieut.  Boyd  and  his  little  heroic  party,  upon  discovering 
the  enemy,  knowing  that  the  only  chance  for  their  escape 
would  be  by  breaking  through  their  lines,  an  enterprise  of 
most  desperate   undertaking,    made   the   bold   attempt.      As 


78 


NOTES. 


extraordinary  as  it  may  seem,  the  first  onset,  though  unsuc- 
cessful,  was  made  without  the  loss  of  a  man  on  the  part  of  the 
heroic  band,  though  several  of  the  enemy  were  killed.  Two 
attempts  more  were  made,  which  were  equally  unsuccessful, 
and  in  which  the  whole  party  fell,  except  Lieut.  Boyd  and 
eight  others.  Boyd,  and  a  soldier  by  the  name  of  Parker, 
were  taken  prisoners  on  the  spot ;  a  part  of  the  remainder 
fled,  and  a  part  fell  on  the  ground  apparently  dead,  and  were 
overlooked  by  the  Indians,  who  were  too  much  engaged  in 
pursuing  the  fugitives  to  notice  those  who  fell. 

"  When  Lieut.  Boyd  found  himself  a  prisoner,  he  solicited 
an  interview  with  Brandt,  preferring,  it  seems,  to  throw  him- 
self upon  the  clemency  and  fidelity  of  the  savage  leader  of  the 
enemy,  rather  than  trust  to  his  civilized  colleague.  The  chief, 
who  was  at  that  moment  near,  immediately  presented  himself, 
when  Lieut.  Boyd,  by  one  of  those  appeals  and  tokens  which 
are  known  only  by  those  who  have  been  initiated  and  instructed 
in  certain  mysteries,  and  which  never  fail  to  bring  succor  to  a 
distressed  brother,  addressed  him  as  the  only  source  from 
which  he  could  expect  respite  from  cruel  punishment  or 
death.  The  appeal  was  recognized,  and  Brandt  immediately, 
and  in  the  strongest  language,  assured  him  that  his  life  should 
be  spared. 

"  Boyd  and  his  fellow-prisoner  were  conducted  immediately 
by  a  party  of  the  Indians  to  the  Indian  village,  called  Beards- 
town,  after  a  distinguished  chief  of  that  name,  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Genesee  river,  and  in  what  is  now  called  Leicester. 


NOTES.  79 

After  their  arrival  at  Beardstown,  Brandt,  being  called  on 
service  which  required  a  few  hours'  absence,  left  them  in  the 
care  of  Col.  Butler,  The  latter,  as  soon  as  Brandt  had  left 
them,  commenced  an  interrogation,  to  obtain  from  the 
prisoners  a  statement  of  the  number,  situation  and  intentions 
of  the  army  under  Sullivan ;  and  threatened  them,  in  case 
they  hesitated  or  prevaricated  in  their  answers,  to  deliver 
them  up  immediately  to  be  massacred  by  the  Indians;  who, 
in  Brandt's  absence,  and  with  the  encouragement  of  their 
more  savage  commander,  Butler,  were  ready  to  commit  the 
greatest  cruelties.  Belying  probably  upon  the  promises  which 
Brandt  had  made  them,  and  which  he  most  likely  intended  to 
fulfill,  they  refused  to  give  Butler  the  desired  information. 
Upon  this  refusal,  burning  with  revenge,  Butler  hastened  to 
put  his  threat  into  execution.  He  delivered  them  to  some  of 
their  most  ferocious  enemies,  among  which  the  Indian  chief 
Little  Beard  was  distinguished  for  his  inventive  ferocity.  In 
this,  that  was  about  to  take  place,  as  well  as  in  all  the  other 
scenes  of  cruelty  that  were  perpetrated  in  his  town,  Little 
Beard  was  master  of  ceremonies.  The  stoutest  heart  quails 
under  the  apprehension  of  immediate  and  certain  torture  and 
death ;  where,  too,  there  is  not  an  eye  that  pities,  nor  a  heart 
that  feels.  The  suffering  Lieut,  was  first  stripped  of  his 
clothing,  and  then  tied  to  a  sapling,  when  the  Indians 
menaced  his  life  by  throwing  their  tomahawks  at  the  tree 
directly  over  his  head,  brandishing  their  scalping  knives 
around  him  in  the  most  frightful  manner,  and  accompanying 


80  NOTES. 

their  ceremonies  with  terrific  shouts  of  joy.  Having  punished 
him  sufficiently  in  this  way,  they  made  a  small  opening  in  his 
ahdomen,  took  out  an  intestine,  which  they  tied  to  a  sapling, 
and  then  unbound  him  from  the  tree,  and  by  scourges,  drove 
him  around  it  till  he  had  drawn  out  the  whole  of  his  intes- 
tines. He  was  then  beheaded,  and  his  head  was  stuck  upon  a 
pole,  with  a  dog's  head  just  above  it,  and  his  body  left 
unburied  upon  the  ground. 

"  Thus  perished  Thomas  Boyd,  a  young  officer  of  heroic 
virtue,  and  of  rising  talents ;  and  in  a  manner  that  will  touch 
the  sympathies  of  all  who  read  the  story  of  his  death.  His 
fellow-soldier,  and  fellow-sufferer,  Parker,  was  obliged  to 
witness  this  moving  and  tragical  scene,  and  in  full  expectation 
of  passing  the  same  ordeal. 

"  According,  however,  to  our  information,  in  relation  to  the 
death  of  these  two  men,  which  has  been  obtained  incidentally 
from  the  Indian  account  of  it,  corroborated  by  the  discovery 
of  the  two  bodies  by  the  American  army,  Parker  was  only 
beheaded." 

Wilkinson's  Annals  of  Binghampton,  pp.  34-38.    J 
See  also 

Stone's  Life  of  Brandt,  Vol.  2,  pp.  29-33. 
Life  ofJemison,  pp.  121-122  and  p.  291. 
Simms'  Schoharie  Co.,  pp.  312-13. 
Life  of  Van  Campen,  pp.  160-173. 
Notices  of  Sullivan's  Campaign. 

The  following  additional  facts  respecting  Lieut.  Boyd  were  obtained 
from  Josias  E.  Vrooman,  who  witnessed  the  parting  scene  therein 
described  : 

"  Lieut.   Boyd  was  a  native  of  Northumberland  County, 


NOTES.  81 

Pennsylvania.  He  was  about  the  usual  height,  and  was  a 
stout  built,  fine  looking  young  man ;  being  very  sociable  and 
agreeable  in  bis  manners,  which  bad  gained  him  many  friends 
in  Schoharie.  While  there,  he  paid  his  addresses  to  Miss 
Cornelia,  a  daughter  of  Bartholomew  Becker,  who  gave  birth 
to  a  daughter  after  his  death,  of  which  he  was  the  reputed 
father.  This  child,  named  Catharine,  grew  up  a  very 
respectable  woman,  and  afterwards  became  the  wife  of 
Martinus  Vrooman.  While  the  troops  under  Col.  Butler 
were  preparing  to  leave  Schoharie,  Miss  Becker,  in  a  state  of 
mind  bordering  on  phrensy,  approached  her  lover,  caught  hold 
of  his  arm,  and  in  tears  besought  him  by  the  most  earnest 
entreaties,  to  marry  her  before  he  left  Schoharie.  He 
endeavored  to  put  her  off  with  future  promises,  and  to  free 
himself  from  her  grasp.  She  told  him  "  if  he  went  off 
without  marrying  her,  she  hoped  he  would  be  cut  to  pieces 
by  the  Indians.'''1  In  the  midst  of  this  unpleasant  scene, 
Col.  Butler  rode  up  and  reprimanded  Boyd  for  his  delay,  as 
the  troops  were  ready  to  march — and  the  latter,  mortified 
at  being  seen  by  his  commander,  thus  importuned  by  a 
girl,  drew  his  sword  and  threatened  to  stab  her  if  she  did 
not  instantly  leave  him.  She  did  leave  him,  and  antici- 
pating future  shame,  called  down  the  vengeance  of  heaven 
upon  him.  Her  imprecation  was  answered,  as  has  been 
seen,  to  the  fullest  extent :  a  fearful  warning  to  those  who 
trifle  with  woman's  affections." 

Simms'  Hist,  of  Schoharie  Co.,  p.  300. 


82  NOTES. 

(21)  The  following  extract,  from  an  English  writer,  gives  one  of  the 
best  descriptions  which  we  have  met  with,  of  the  personal  appearance 
and  character  of  the  "  Father  of  his  country  "  : 

"General  Washington  is  now  in  the  forty-eighth  year  of 
his  age.  He  is  a  tall,  well-made  man,  rather  large  boned,  and 
has  a  tolerably  genteel  address,  his  features  are  manly  and 
bold,  his  eyes  of  a  bluish  cast,  and  very  lively ;  his  hair  a 
deep  brown,  his  face  rather  long,  and  marked  with  the  small- 
pox ;  his  complexion  sun-burnt,  and  without  much  color,  and 
his  countenance  sensible,  composed,  and  thoughtful.  There 
is  a  remarkable  air  of  dignity  about  him,  with  a  striking 
degree  of  gracefulness ;  he  has  an  excellent  understanding, 
without  much  quickness;  is  strictly  just,  vigilant,  and  gene- 
rous; an  affectionate  husband,  a  faithful  friend,  a  father  to 
the  deserving  soldier,  gentle  in  his  manners,  in  temper  rather 
reserved  ;  a  total  stranger  to  religious  prejudices,  which  have 
so  often  excited  Christians  of  one  denomination  to  cut  the 
throats  of  those  of  another.  In  his  morals  he  is  irreproach- 
able, and  was  never  known  to  exceed  the  bounds  of  the  most 
rigid  temperance.  In  a  word,  all  his  friends  and  acquaint- 
ances universally  allow,  that  no  man  ever  united  in  his  own 
character  a  more  perfect  alliance  of  the  virtues  of  the  philoso- 
pher with  the  talents  of  a  general.  Candor,  sincerity,  affa- 
bility, and  simplicity,  seem  to  be  the  striking  features  of  his 
character,   until   an  occasion   offers   of  displaying  the   most 

determined  bravery  and  independence  of  spirit." 

****** 

London  Chronicle,  July  22,  17s0. 


NOTES.  83 

(22)  Gilbert  Mottiee,  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  was  born 
in  Chavaniae,  in  the  ancient  province  of  Auvergne,  in  France, 
Sept.  6,  1757.  He  was  descended  from  distinguished  ances- 
tors, and  was  the  inheritor  of  a  princely  fortune.  He  was 
educated  at  Paris,  and  at  the  age  of  17  married  the  Countess 
Anastasie  de  Xoailles,  by  whom  he  received  a  large  accession 
to  his  estate.  In  the  year  1777,  the  most  gloomy  period  of 
the  American  struggle,  this  young  nobleman,  then  only  19 
years  of  age,  actuated  by  a  love  of  liberty  as  pure  as  it  was 
ardent,  left  the  luxuries  of  the  court,  and  the  endearments  of 
his  young  wife,  and  in  opposition  to  the  wishes  of  his  friends 
and  the  orders  of  his  sovereign,  embarked  for  America,  in  a 
vessel  fitted  out  by  himself,  to  aid  a  people  to  whom  he  was 
bound  by  no  tie  of  tongue  or  kindred,  and  who  were  then  too 
poor  to  offer  him  even  a  transport  to  their  shores.  Upon  his 
arrival  in  America,  he  offered  himself  to  Congress  as  a  volun- 
teer, solicited  permission  to  serve  without  pay,  and  raised  and 
equipped  a  body  of  men  at  his  own  expense.  In  July  he  was 
appointed  by  Congress  a  Major-General,  and  in  September  he 
served  as  a  volunteer  at  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  in  which 
engagement  he  was  severely  wounded.  After  his  recovery  he 
joined  Gen.  Greene  in  Xew  Jersey,  and  in  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth, in  1778,  he  rendered  most  important  services,  for 
which  he  received  the  thanks  of  Congress.  He  continued 
actively  employed  in  different  parts  of  the  country  until  1779, 
when  he  went  to  France,  and  after  securing  aid  from  that 
quarter,  returned  to  America.     He  immediately  resumed  his 


84  NOTES. 

command,  and  in  the  campaigns  of  1780  and  1781,  displayed 
the  most  consummate  generalship.  At  the  siege  of  Yorktown 
he  shared  in  the  dangers  and  honors  of  the  day,  and  after  the 
capitulation  of  Cornwallis,  left  again  for  France.  He  was 
about  to  return  to  America  with  a  powerful  fleet  and  army, 
when  he  received  the  glorious  news  of  the  overtures  of  peace. 
In  1784  he  visited  America,  and  after  spending  a  few  days  at 
Mount  Vernon,  traveled  through  the  principal  cities  of  the 
Union,  receiving  everywhere  the  honors  that  were  his  due. 
After  his  return  to  France,  he  held  a  number  of  prominent 
positions,  both  civil  and  military.  In  the  year  1824,  he  again 
visited  America,  where  he  was  received  with  the  most  enthu- 
siastic demonstrations  of  respect  and  affection.  Congress 
made  him  a  grant  of  200,000  dollars  and  a  township  of  land, 
and  he  was  carried  home  in  the  frigate  Brandywine,  so  named 
in  honor  of  his  bravery  in  that  memorable  battle.  After  his 
return  to  France  he  again  engaged  in  public  affairs,  taking  an 
active  part  in  the  revolution  of  1830,  at  which  time  he  became 
marshal  of  France. 

"  Gen.  Lafayette  was  about  six  feet  in  stature.  He  was 
considered  one  of  the  finest  looking  men  in  the  American 
army,  notwithstanding  his  deep  red  hair,  which  then,  as  now, 
was  rather  in  disrepute.  His  forehead  was  tine  though 
receding — his  eye  clear  hazel — his  mouth  and  chin  delicately 
formed  and  exhibiting  beauty  rather  than  strength.  The 
expression  of  his  countenance  was  strongly  indicative  of  the 
generous  and  gallant  spirit  which  animated  him,  mingled  with 


NOTES.  85 

something  of  the  pride  of  conscious  manliness.  His  mien 
was  noble — his  manners  frank  and  amiable,  and  his  niove- 
mentslight  and  graceful.  He  wore  his  hair  plain,  and  never 
complied  so  far  with  the  fashion  of  the  times  as  to  wear 
powder." 

After  a  long  and  eventful  career,  this  devoted  friend  of 
\Ya>hington  and  America  died  at  Paris,  on  the  20th  day  of 
May,  1834,  in  the  77th  year  of  his  age.  Admired  and  honored 
in  life,  he  died  universally  lamented,  leaving  behind  him  a 
name  which  the  proudest  monarch  may  envy  and  the  most 
ambitious  warrior  well  emulate — that  of  a  disinterested,  noble 
minded  and  consistent  patriot.  Dearly  beloved  as  he  was, 
his  memory  will  ever  be  fresh  in  the  heart  of  every  true 
friend  to  his  country. 

(23)  Ebenezer  Fletcher,  as  we  have  before  remarked,  was 
married  in  the  year  1786  to  Miss  Polly  Cummings.  The  father 
of  this  lady,  Mr.  Samuel  Cummings,  was  at  that  time  a  resi- 
dent of  New  Ipswich,  and  owner  of  the  mills  at  Mill  Village. 
He  carried  on  the  mills  successfully  for  a  number  of  years, 
and  then  sold  them  out  to  Mr.  Fletcher,  who  had  learned  the 
trade  of  him.  Mr.  Cummings  subsequently  moved  to  Cornish, 
N.  H,  and  died  there  on  the  sixth  day  of  June,  1796,  at  the 
age  of  seventy-eight  years.  Mr.  Fletcher,  by  his  first 
wife,  who  died  on  the  26th  day  of  February,  1812,  had  six 
sons  and  six  daughters,  whose  names  and  places  of  birth  and 
death  are  as  follows  : 


86 


NOTES. 


1st. 

2d. 

3d. 

4th. 

5  th. 

6th. 

7th. 

8th. 

9th. 
10th. 
11th. 
12th. 


Bom  in  New  Ipswich,  N.H.      Died. 

Ebenezek,  Jr.  .Oct.    9, 17*2.  .Nov.  14, 1834,  in 

Commings  July    5,1784.  .July  22,1837,  " 

John Aug.  14, 17*6   .July  10.  1842,  " 

Polly Aug.  21, 1788.,  Aug.  27, 1840,  " 

Joseph  May  22; 1790.  .Feb.  18,1863,  " 

Betsey Dec.  2s,  1792.  .May  5,1*42,  " 

Sally)  _    .      _  ,      ,  ,MJ   j July  17, 1854,  " 

\  Twms.Feh.   6,1794  <       J  ,,,„„/ 
Millyj  I     "     11,1794,  " 

Nancy May  22, 1797. . .  .Still  living  " 

Dexter Ap'l  19,1799  .. .    " 

Sr/KY May  30,1801.  .Aug.  18, 1803,  " 

Eoby June  16, 1*03 Still  living    " 


Corinth,  N.  H. 
Enosburg,  Vt. 
Ann  Arbor,  Mich. 
Illinois. 

Ashburnham,  Mass. 
Boston,  Mass. 
New  Ipswich,  N.H. 


Mt.  Vernon, 
New  Ipswich, 


Mr.  Fletcher's  second  wife  was  Mrs.  Mary  Foster,  widow  of 
Nathaniel  Foster,  and  daughter  of  Asa  Rendall.  She  had  no 
children  by  Mr.  Fletcher.  By  her  first  husband  she  had  two 
sons  and  five  daughters.  She  was  a  member  of  the  Baptist 
church  for  many  years,  and  sustained  a  good  Christian 
character.  She  survived  her  husband,  Mr.  Fletcher,  a  num- 
ber of  years,  and  died  in  Winchendon,  Mass.,  January  25th, 
1851,  at  the  age  of  85  years. 


